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\widctlpar\adjustright \fs20\cgrid {THIRD SECTOR PROMOTION 
\par OF NON-ESTONIAN INTEGRATION IN ESTONIA
\par Open Estonia Foundation
\par Jaan Tonisson Institute
\par Open Society Institute
\par Open Education Association
\par A. BACKGROUND
\par 1. The challenge of non-Estonian integration in Estonia
\par Over six years after Estonia regained it independence, the issue of ethnic relations and non-Estonian integration continues to be a problem for Estonian society. Although it no longer makes the headlines in the newspapers, nor arouses much debate in the c
offee shops or even appears as a regular item on the agenda in the Estonian parliament, it definitely does exist. It persists as a kind of sub-level problem which periodically, nonetheless, attracts attention and reminds the Estonian public of its existen
ce. 
\par What does the issue of non-Estonians consist of? In the broadest sense, it is the issue of the non-Estonian minority and its role in Estonian society today as well as in the near future. In a narrower sense, however, this poses a whole set of issues re
lated to the role of the Russian language and mentality in Estonia, the loyalty and identity of non-Estonians, possibilities for integration and the danger of conflict, the future of non-Estonian-language schooling, etc. It is not difficult to see that wh
a
t is actually involved here is the future of the Estonian state and society, the model that society in this country intends to follow. Thus, the issue of non-Estonians rather than being limited only to non-Estonians is very much a key to the future of Est
onians and of the Estonian state.
\par The six years following the re-establishment of independence have not brought much clarity to the issue. One can find a variety of opinions and attitudes ranging from the understanding favoured by most politicians that "eve
rything is okay" up to the view that Estonian national policy has reached ".... social and political schizophrenia which, able to weaken whatever country, can prove a catastrophe for a society with a weak democracy and short-term market economic tradition
s."}{\field{\*\fldinst {HYPERLINK "3sec_i.html" \\l "pgfId=998377"}{{\*\datafield 
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\cs15\ul\cf2  1}}}{ Differences in opinion are understandable. Estonia's non-Estonians constitute today a highly undefined community. Although "integration" has become a widely used magic word, neither the p
oliticians nor the state has any vision of what an "integrated Estonia" in essence means. In the "practical integration process", at the same time, new conflicts of opinion keep emerging - be it in regard to the future of Russian-language education, the c
reation of a language training strategy or the interpretation of human rights for illegal non-Estonians.
\par It is quite a paradox that in the last few years Estonia has in fact done a great deal more to develop its foreign policy than it has to determine at al
l its domestic political objectives. Whereas in the case of the former our short-term aims and goals have been clearly formulated, in terms of domestic policy (including the Russian issue) similar targets are lacking. Uncertainty, as is well known, gives 
birth to feelings of insecurity for all those concerned, while the atmosphere created by uncertainty does nothing to contribute toward stability and societal development.
\par The picture we get looking at sociological surveys conducted in Estonia in the 1990s i
s quite serious. In today's Estonia we find, in fact, two relatively separate communities, the Estonian- and the Russian-language ones. Both of them have their own political parties and leaders, their own media, schools, churches and meeting places. While
 
the border between these two worlds is not absolute, it is nevertheless fairly palpable. A glimpse of the Estonian- and Russian-language media reveals that there are no common topics or discussions, the two communities are pretty ill-informed of each othe
r
's problems and approaches. What is worrisome is that the 1990s have basically witnessed a tendency toward further separation and seclusion in the two worlds that the separate people identify themselves with. One need not be a palm-reader to see the dange
rs contained in this model of "two societies in one country". Not only can it become an obstacle to moving to Europe, but it will also clearly be a barrier to Estonia's ow efficient functioning.
\par In order to guarantee Estonia's stability and potential for de
velopment it is essential to create a clear strategy for action. Today's tendencies toward seclusion signal a danger that should prompt politicians and the public alike to push integration issues as a key topic for Estonian society.
\par 2. Points of departure
\par When considering the issue of non-Estonians, several points of departure are possible and are being used. The point we select starts with a definition of the issue as well as various particular aspects of the issue which come forth. These are followed by 
s
olutions which are tailored to these individual dimensions. For instance, approaching the issue from a demographic angle, we are inevitably faced with the specifics behind the emergence of a non-Estonian community in Estonia, the relationships of differen
t
 groups of non-Estonians with Estonians, and trends within the development of the local population. Proceeding from historical fairness we are primarily faced by problems like the non-Estonians' role in the post-war occupation of Estonia and the rectifica
t
ion of injustice done during that period. Focusing on human rights, meanwhile, we can debate the extent to which Estonian legislation is in compliance with international norms or is not. In brief, there are numerous ways to approach the problem, each one 
o
f which brings up one or another aspect of the non-Estonians' problematique. It seems to us that the time has ripened to start dealing with the issue from a vantage point of Estonia's national interests. This is based on the conviction that this is such a
 fundamental issue for Estonia that it simply requires treatment in a broader, national context.
\par National interests are not yet a typical point of departure for political discussions in Estonia. These interests, in fact, have not been identified very clearl
y either. In political terminology, national interests are fundamental goals and areas of activity of the state/society, which are in one way or another associated with the country's security and stability. It is relevant in this respect that what is invo
lved here are not ethnic interests, but those of the society as a whole. 
\par Speaking of Estonia's national interests, this is undoubtedly a multifaceted collection of interests which has to be discussed, interpreted and formulated in writing. We suggest here 
three of the most general baskets of interests, which, in our view, are topical of today's Estonia. We would like to underline that these are baskets or associations of interests whereby each basket contains several concrete interests. For example,
\par existen
tial interests which are associated with the preservation of the Estonian people and the survival of its culture and lifestyle. This basket of interests presupposes efforts at guaranteeing internal and external security, international acceptance of our en
deavours, and clearly defined activities aimed at the survival of the nation. This was undoubtedly the prevailing basket of interests in the late 80s - early 90s when the question was `to be or not to be' for the Estonian people;
\par interests of stability - th
e problem, in essence is not only in being, but also in the manner of being. Every society is interested in internal stability and balance, in allocating a reasonable amount of strength and energy for keeping the society together, creating a balance, patc
hing holes, and compensating for foolishness. This is the basket of interests that we find in the forefront today. An example would be the (anticipated) movement of the integration topic from slogans into real policy;
\par interests of development - for a Europe
an society it is essential not only to pursue stable existence, but also to develop and follow the path of modernization. Estonia's need to reach the level of modern well-developed societies is unquestionably one of our strategic goals which in the contex
t of national interests is likely to become the basket of the day at the turn of the century. 
\par Each set of interests functions as a sort of an engine, a driving force both behind politicians as well as the common people. The engines, at the same time, do no
t necessarily guide people in the same direction. It is not difficult to see contradictions emerging from different baskets: there may well be times when modernization efforts conflict with basic ethnic preservation interests, while rapid economic expansi
o
n may not necessarily contribute toward stability, etc. Prevailing in the minds of different actors are different baskets of interest, a fact which is reflected in the programs of political parties and in media debates. We can nevertheless speak of some c
h
ange in the dominant trend in the society as a whole. The driving force and spiritual context behind the re-establishment of the Estonian state were surely existential interests, the wish to recreate a politcal framework for the Estonian ethnic group. The
y
 were immediately followed by interests of stability. Both internal as well as external security became priority issues. As of today, when the preliminary stage of stabilization has taken place, these security worries are increasingly being replaced by th
e modernization imperative. It would probably be appropriate to approach the issue of non-Estonian integration from the standpoint of this so-called 21st century basket of interests. 
\par We posit that the integration of non-Estonians into Estonian society serv
es as an essential precondition for the realization of all Estonian national interests in the immediate future. It is unrealistic to achieve either stability or potential for development and guaranteed preservation of the Estonian nation unless we manage 
to create well-defined prospects for the non-Estonian population as a part of Estonian society.
\par 3. Definition of integration
\par A fixed vocabulary has developed in Estonia for discussing minorities and their problems. Different notions, starting from non-Eston
ians up to integration and multiculturalism create in different minds different associations and connotations. Correspondingly, we offer below some basic notions as they will be used in the text here.
\par Estonian society - is made up of all individuals/groups
 of people residing on the territory of Estonia. Society is not an ethnic phenomenon. Society can at the same time have (and as a rule, does has) a dominant ethnic component where a majority of the members of society are representatives of one ethnicity. 

\par Estonian ethnicity- Estonians as an ethnic association. One has to bear in mind that ethnicity is not a biologically, but a culturally determined phenomenon.
\par Non-Estonians - Individuals who different ethnically/culturally from Estonians, as a result of which they may experience barriers in being actors in Estonian society and the Estonian state.
\par Integration - integration of individuals into society, participation of all people in the life of society as real and accepted actors (subjects). Since members of s
ociety participate in common life (in communication, decision-making) to varying degrees by the very nature of things, we call integration the process whereby outsiders move inwards. Entrants can be representatives of groups excluded for a variety of reas
ons, including non-Estonians. Integration is not an ethnic, but a social phenomenon.
\par This definition of integration could be further refined as follows:
\par - integration is not describable along a yes-no axis, i.e. it constitutes a process with lots of intermediate stages which is, in fact, endless.
\par - the essence of integration is the weakening/liquidation of barriers inhibiting an individual's full-scale participation in societal life. Typical barriers for Estonia's non-Estonians include insuffic
ient knowledge of Estonian, the lack of Estonian citizenship, cultural barriers to joint activities.
\par - an "integrated individual" is characterized, on the one hand, by his/her ability to act in reality as a member of society; on the other, by an identifica
tion with the local society and treatment of Estonia as his/her OWN state and country with respect to which a clear preference has been developed.
\par - the above two kinds of characteristics (acting in reality and identification) serve as a basis enabling to develop integration indicators and, probably, to measure the rate of integration.
\par 4. Forces for integration.
\par The integration process in Estonia is in fact working. Quite a significant number of non-Estonians have successfully integrated into Estonian socia
l life. The problem is, however, that even five years after the restoration of independence this process has not yet become predominant while the dominant tendency is still separation and alienation.
\par Integration cannot be a chain of centrally controlled ac
tivities. Since this is a strategy of life, freely chosen by individuals, it can only be influenced from outside by creating facilitating conditions and by developing the right atmosphere. The role of various factors in the development of a massive integr
ation process can be as follows:
\par A. The state. The primary task of the state is to create a favourable political environment for integration. This means, first of all, the positing of integration as a political goal and an expression of the state's interest
 in the involvement of the non-Estonians in the society's affairs. The second main task of the state is to create a legislative context favouring integration.
\par B. The state authorities. The task here is to formulate a concrete integration program within each particular sphere of state activity (for example, in case of the Ministry of Education, an education program for non-Estonians).
\par C. Political parties. The formulation of a political strategy for integration and its elevation to the level of an inter-party political discussion.
\par D. Mass media. To bring the subject of integration into the arena of public debate. The generation of a discussion between the two media worlds of different languages, i.e. broaching the other community and taking an interest in the
 subjects discussed in the other community's press and vice versa.
\par E. Non-profit sector. This will be the main "force" on the integration landscape. Voluntary activities of private individuals could become the main integration engine.
\par In reality, there is 
a significantly larger number of interested parties as well as forces in the field of integration, beginning with the non-Estonians themselves and the organizations which represent their interests and ending with interested foreign governments and interna
t
ional organizations. Another extremely important factor is the attitude of the Estonians towards the non-Estonians and the latter's entry into the society's affairs. Considering the fundamental importance of the integration issue and its direct ties with 
o
ur national interests, it is certainly high time to institutionalize all the activities surrounding the issue. The Minister without Portfolio in charge of ethnic affairs, which exists in Estonia, is incapable all alone to grasp the entire complex of issue
s at the government level. What is needed is a important network of integration-oriented NGO-s as well.
\par 5. Integration and the third sector
\par As is known, modern Western society is presumed to rest on three pillars - the state, the business sector and the so-
called third sector. The latter represents all those activities that people undertake on their own initiative, outside the state or business sectors. The term covers private societies and initiative associations, movements and pressure groups, all of whic
h are usually covered by the term "non-governmental organizations" or NGOs.
\par The world of NGOs is a large and varied one, ranging from weather observers and disabled athletes to militant environmentalists and restorers of manor parks. These are groups of peo
ple, who are joined by an interest in some issue, a desire to arrange things in a different way, a sense of threat or a need to help themselves/others. This is a very rapidly developing world, whose meaning and idea have not yet been fully realized in Est
onia. But the third sector is in fact at the forefront of a number of affairs in modern society.
\par First - NGOs work in the common interests of (either all or a certain group of) people, which the state is not doing and the business sector is not interested i
n. Since the area between the state and private business is immense, the sphere of activities for NGOs is practically unlimited. And civic initiative yields significantly better results in a number of spheres than the government regulation or the activiti
es of private businesses.
\par Second - the NGOs are an important means of exerting pressure on the state as well as on private business, so as to point them in the right direction. A well-organized modern society (or one with a strong third sector) does not per
mit the state to commit stupid acts or the business sector to turn in on itself.
\par Third - the NGO sector is a vital watchdog of democracy in the capitalist world. If a society is organized and the people have an experience of acting on their common interest
s, it will serve as a serious counterbalance to any political extremism or totalitarian phenomena. This may be the explanation, why Western support for Estonia is ever more clearly being directed toward the third sector, the NGOs. By doing this, such supp
orters hope to catch two birds at once - to advance some sphere of life and to promote the people's joint initiative.
\par Fourth - the NGO sector is becoming an ever more important employer in the Western world.
\par The NGO sector is a form, through which modern so
ciety is smoothing its internal contradictions, reproducing the norms of communal life, and jointly creating a living environment acceptable for all. It would be hard to overestimate the role of the third sector in achieving the goals of non-Estonian inte
gration in Estonia.
\par It seems that NGOs are already significantly more active in the "actual integration work" than the public and the business sectors combined. This sector can also rely on an important advantage - the people involved here are deeply commit
ted to their mission, which cannot always be said about government officials or private entrepreneurs. At the same time, there are only a few NGOs directly aimed at integration. The activities still need a strong impulse and a stronger ideological basis. 
This is especially important, since there are sufficient financial resources available, which could be directed to the support of this activity.
\par 6. Components of the integration process
\par What does the integration of non-Estonians into Estonian society consist of? At least five main components of this activity have been developed by now.
\par A. Estonian language teaching to non-Estonians. This is the central premise of integration in the opinion of a large number of people. The large amount of resources have been committed to this component, but the results have so far remained mediocre.

\par B. Legal status of non-citizens. Significant changes have occurred here in the 1990s. The non-Estonian community has been divided into four legal categories: citizens of Estonia, c
itizens of Russia, stateless persons and illegal residents. Since a person's legal status has an inevitable influence on his/her attitudes and sense of identity, the integration strategies of these four groups are different as well.
\par C. Entry of non-Estonians to the Estonian cultural space. This sphere has attracted relatively little interest, although it may well be of primary importance.
\par D. The situation and future of non-Estonian education in Estonia. A much-debated issue, where there are no reasonable solutions as yet.
\par E. Estonian attitudes toward the non-Estonian issue. It is essential that the hitherto prevailing attitude in the integration paradigm "the non-Estonians as a problem" be replaced by an attitude, which considers the non-Estonians primarily 
as a resource. This is still a totally unique approach today, but it will inevitably become topical in the context of Estonia's European integration, both as labor, cultural as well as intellectual potential.
\par 7. Outputs of the integration process
\par How could the goal of integration, an integrated Estonia, be defined? The most significant difference from the present state should be the fact that we would deal with a SINGLE, integrated, society, rather than two relatively separate communities. The fol
lowing COMMON values could/should become the basis of this single society:
\par The Estonian language as the dominant means of communication in the society, which non-Estonians speak at a practical, conversational level.
\par Common legal status as citizens of the state of Estonia.
\par Participation in the common space of public information (the media areas have interlaced).
\par A nearing of the cultures and lifestyles has occurred; as a result of which it would be outwardly difficult to differentiate between Estonians and non-Estonians.
\par A common interest in the strengthening and economic progress of the state, pride in OUR achievements.
\par Common antipathies.
\par Common interest in ensuring better opportunities for the next generation of Estonia's residents.
\par At the same time, an integrated Estonia does not mean the Estonianizing of non-Estonians. This model of society will contain long-term differences between the Estonians and non-Estonians:
\par - a multiplicity of mother tongues/familial languages, an opportunity to receive primary school education in Russian;
\par - the non-Estonians' ethnic identity will continue, the meaning of Russian culture will always remain different for the Russians in Estonia and the Estonians;
\par - the non-Estonians' interest in the development of social life in their language is fully accepted by Estonian society.
\par A second fundamental premise for societal integration will be a change of current Estonian attitudes. On the one hand, it is the view among many Estonians that the non-Estonian issue is "none of my business
" or "these people came here uninvited, let them now manage on their own". On the other hand, there is the impression of many non-Estonians that they are being driven out or turned into second-class residents. An real integration process can only be launc
hed in the presence of mutual interest and a willingness to act on both sides. The people will be the most important factor.
\par B. OBJECTIVES
\par GOALS OF THE MEGA-PROJECT
\par 1. CHOICE OF A PRACTICAL MODEL OF ACTION
\par Much has been spoken and written in Estonia, about 
the integration of non-Estonians, but the practical activities in that direction have not yet yielded any considerable results. The following reasons can be pointed out for the limited effectiveness of the integration practice so far:
\par The attempt to integrate the non-Estonians via a single channel (teaching Estonian), ignoring other very important opportunities of integration;
\par Absence of an environment promoting integration. No attempts have been made so far to develop a friendly and tolerant atmosphere in Estonia for the integration of non-Estonians.
\par The Estonians have no place or role in the integration. The integration of the non-Estonians has been considered a matter for the non-Estonians themselves. The Estonian community has been left out of considerat
ion altogether. It has received no explanation, why the integration of the non-Estonians into Estonian society is so important. Their motivation and responsibility for the integration of non-Estonians has not been developed. This is why the potential of t
he Estonian community has found little use.
\par Absence of a public and widespread discussion. The integration attempts have so far taken place in an environment, where the ethnic issues were largely taboo and have been treated narrowly, from the Estonians' own
 viewpoint. There has been no conceptual and purposefully organized discussion, where representatives of both the Estonian and non-Estonian communities could have equal opportunities for participation.
\par No attempts have been made to cross (or remove) the ba
rriers obstructing the integration of non-Estonians. Such barriers are, for example, the insulting treatment of the non-Estonians by civil servants, mutually negative attitudes and stereotypes among the Estonians and the non-Estonians, difficulties with o
btaining higher education among non-Estonians due to an inadequate command of Estonian, etc. 
\par No attempts have been made to open and exploit the non-Estonians' own development potential. The non-Estonians have been for the Estonian state and society a bothe
rsome problem, which needs to be solved. There has been no idea or action plan based on the premise that there are many talented people among the non-Estonians, who could be very useful for the state.
\par These points represent the main target of this project. They encompass for broadly the following tasks and criteria for action:
\par 1. The integration of non-Estonians into Estonian society is only in the initial stage. The start of this kind of project calls for a favourable atmosphere to be created, a discussion
 opened between the Estonians and the non-Estonians, preliminary points of contact be sought out.
\par 2. Estonian society as a whole needs to be influenced in order to integrate the non-Estonians. It is not enough that individual problem areas are considered. 
Opportunities for integration must be identified at different levels and in various situations. Different processes must be launched, which parallel to each other.
\par 3. The Estonians must participate in the integration process of non-Estonians.
\par 4. A critical percentage of individuals from the Estonian and-non-Estonian communities must be involved. Integration cannot be aimed at one certain target group (like school pupils).
\par 5. The nearing of the two communities (the Estonians and the non-Estonians) assumes a change of mentality, a rearrangement of the norms of relation valid so far. Integration is impossible in a situation, where the deprecation of the other nation is a habi
tual model of behavior. 
\par 6. Integration of non-Estonians must be based on modern statistical and sociological data bases. When trying to foster integration, it is necessary to know, which social groups must be influenced and how. One must analyze the result
s of influence and one must adjust the program of action as necessary.
\par 2. GOALS
\par 1. RAISING OF THE READINESS OF ESTONIAN SOCIETY FOR A CONSTRUCTIVE SOLUTION TO ETHNIC ISSUES AND THE FINDING OF COMPROMISES. The motivation of both the Estonians and the non-Es
tonians to solve these problems must be developed to a new level. Dialogues and public discussions should be launched in the Estonian- and Russian-language media. Non-Estonians must be granted an opportunity to say, what they think of the Estonian state a
nd their situation in that state. An open and broad-based discussion should develop between the Estonians and the non-Estonians. The sub-project "Media Cooperation" has been developed in order to promote this goal.
\par 2. TAKING ADVANTAGE OF ESTONIANS AND THEIR
 POTENTIAL FOR INTEGRATING NON-ESTONIANS. A sense of responsibility for the treatment of the non-Estonians of Estonia must be developed among the Estonians. Estonians who have a positive attitude towards non-Estonians should be mobilized for more active a
n
d friendly relations with them. There is a critical mass of Estonians with a positive attitude towards non-Estonians. Their potential needs to be harnessed. The project must proceed from the premise that every Estonian is responsible for the events in the
 state, including the integration of non-Estonians.
\par 3. THE EFFICIENCY OF TEACHING OF ESTONIAN MUST BE IMPROVED. The goal is to elevate the effectiveness of Estonian language teaching, to use new channels, to involve widely the entire Estonian community. The
 sub-project "Individual and continuous language teaching of Russian children in Estonian families" has been planned for the achievement of these 2nd and 3rd goals.
\par 4. THE DEVELOPMENT OF A MULTICULTURAL MODEL OF RELATION. A new model of communication and b
ehavior in ethnic relations must be developed in Estonia, norms of multicultural and tolerant communication must be introduced. The sub-project "Multicultural Communication" addresses this issue.
\par 5. THE BREAKING DOWN OF COMMUNICATION BARRIERS. The desire o
f Estonians and non-Estonians to begin to approach one other must be fostered by breaking down the barriers that separate them. Mutually derogatory stereotypes and attitudes must be weakened. The sub-projects "Media Cooperation" and "Multicultural Communi
cation" focus on these goals.
\par 6. IMPROVEMENT OF THE CIVIL SERVANTS' COMMUNICATION ABILITIES. A model of cultured and friendly behavior must be introduced among Estonian government officials and employees. Civil servants must be helped to critically evaluate
 their practice of communication so far. The civil servants' sense of responsibility for the non-Estonian integration process must be raised. The Estonian state must, via the correct and friendly attitude of its officials, demonstrate its benevolent polic
y towards non-Estonians. The sub-project "Communication Training for Civil Servants" has been planned for this purpose.
\par 7. THE DEVELOPMENT OF A FUTURE ELITE AMONG YOUNG NON-ESTONIANS. The goal here is to increase the non-Estonians' sense of security, to hel
p them find better opportunities for making a career in Estonian society. A `future elite' must be developed from among young non-Estonians, by promoting their careers in key areas of society. One of the premises of integration is the presence of a strong
 elite stratum in the non-Estonian community. The sub-project "Supporting Non-Estonians in Estonian Universities" has been planned for that goal.
\par 8. REGULAR ANALYSIS AND EVALUATION OF INTER-ETHNIC RELATIONS IN ESTONIAN SOCIETY. A system of monitoring must b
e set up for this purpose, serving as a basis for the evaluation of the ethnic situation and as a measure of the sense of security among non-Estonians. Sociological surveys would also be a reliable and objective basis for the evaluation of the sub-project
s' influence and range. The sub-project "Monitoring of the Non-Estonians' Integration into the Estonian Society" targets this area.
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\par 1. Estonia and Latvia. Citizenship, Language and Conflict Prevention. A Special Report by the Forced Migratioin Project. Open Society Institute. N.Y. 1997, p. 71.
\par }{
\par }}