ACTA NO. 7--
Antisemitism
in Contemporary Greek Society
by
The lack of
any extensive research on the issue of antisemitism in contemporary Greek
society has led many to believe that there is no such problem in that country.
This article documents the existence of antisemitism in various aspects of
Greek society, and its development over the past fifteen years.
INTRODUCTION
Notwithstanding
occasional denials on the part of Greek government officials, and even leaders
of the Greek Jewish community, antisemitism does exist in Greece, and this
essay will focus on its development over the past fifteen years in various
aspects of Greek society, including religious antisemitism, and that found in
the educational, legal, and political environment.1 The activities
of the extreme right, major antisemitic incidents, antisemitic publications,
and previous attempts to expose antisemitism in Greece are also noted. In
addition, since in
RELIGIOUS
ANTISEMITISM
It would be
impossible to examine the existence of religiously-inspired antisemitism in
The
religious and ethnic homogeneity of the Greek population (today nearly 98
percent) is so strong that it became difficult for minorities to integrate into
the broader society. To this day, for example, many people have difficulty
understanding how one can be Greek and Jewish at the same time. Freedom of
religion is constitutionally guaranteed, but Orthodox Christianity is the
official state religion. There is legal separation of Church and State, and the
latter cannot interfere in the internal affairs of the Church, for example, on
matters of dogma, worship, clerical duties, sermons, ecclesiastic discipline,
and ordination.2
The Orthodox
Church has long maintained an official position that recognizes Judaism's
contribution to Christianity and condemns antisemitism. Following a number of
antisemitic incidents that took place in Germany in 1959, Archbishop Theoklitos
of Athens issued a statement that strongly condemned antisemitism: ?I declare
to the entire world that antisemitic acts, wherever they may take place, are an
antichristian act..., an anti-social act and prove the existence of barbarism,
inferiority, and inhumanity.?3 At the Centre de Documentation Juive
Contemporaine in
Without
underrating these heroic acts of those who saved hundreds of Jews from their
German would-be murderers, there are still some in the church who do exhibit
anti-Jewish sentiments in spite of the fact that the church leadership has
never condoned antisemitic comments by members of the clergy.
Antisemites
formerly or currently associated with the church often hide behind opposition
to Zionists and Chiliasts (also known as the Jehovah's Witnesses). The latter
are mistrusted because they do not recognize any secular government or its
symbols, and also engage in active proselytism, which is illegal in
Antisemitic
remarks are not always hidden behind other types of labels. For example, in
1980 Panteleimon Caranikolas, the Metropolitan of Corinth, published a
blatantly antisemitic book entitled Jews and Christians, in which he
writes about the ?power of the Jews [who] suck the blood of the people.? He
considers the Jews to be citizens of the ?State of Jewish theocracy [
Metropolitan
Panteleimon's views are not unique in the Orthodox Church. As early as 1975,
the
Those who
have published their antisemitic views may be identified, but there are many
others who perpetuate anti-Jewish prejudice primarily within the boundaries of
their own parish, contributing to a broad social ignorance and mistrust of the
Jews.
Besides
individuals, organizations like Kosmas Flamiatos-Greek Orthodox Union and St.
Agathangelos Esfigmenites have published circulars which claim to have
uncovered ?anti-Greek,? ?Zionist? or ?Jewish? conspiracies in the past, and
have urged the deportation of traitors such as the Jews, Masons, and Jehovah's
Witnesses from Orthodox Greece. The group Orthodoxos Typos puts out several religious
publications in which the authors often remain anonymous. Dynamis, which is
only one of them, shows the group's orientation: in an article entitled ?The
Jehovah's Witnesses are Instruments of the Jews,? the Jews are openly
characterized as ?anti-Greek, antichrist Zionists dreaming of the achievement
of World Jewish domination.?9 The Witnesses' leaders, it is claimed,
are all Jews who have tried repeatedly to destroy Christianity and enslave
Soon, all
citizens of the European Economic Community are to be issued new, eight-digit
identification cards (similar to U.S. social security cards); ultra-religious
groups in Greece have expressed fears that the cards will include the ?666?--
the sign of the antichrist (Rev. 13:18). Since 1992, graffiti and posters have
warned against the ?new IDs of the Jews and Masons? who supposedly control the
EEC; a nun in Kozari wrote Jewish Identification Cards, in which Jews
were described as ?an abominable, murderous race? foreign to Greece and an
instrument of Satan.10 Thousands of copies of this 143-page book
have been circulated free of charge in the streets of Athens over the last
couple of years.
The Orthodox
Church maintains that the Holy Metropoles throughout Greece are
administratively independent, and thus there is no central authority with power
to control the sermons or actions of the respective metropolitans, nor the
publication of religious literature.
Still, the
Orthodox Church does bear responsibility for what Jules Isaac described as
?l'enseignement du mepris? -- the teaching of contempt.11 Over the
centuries, Christians have been led to believe that the Jewish Diaspora was
proof of divine punishment for the crime of deicide; that Jewish ?hatred? for
Christianity was eternal. The treachery attributed to Judas led to a
stereotyping of all Jews. The Metropolitan of Corinth, who wrote that Jews suck
the blood of the people and are themselves responsible for anti-Jewish
prejudice, called upon Jews ?not to misunderstand? the anti-Jewish references
which remain in the Good Friday liturgy -- even though similar references were removed
from the Roman Catholic liturgy under Pope John XXIII.12
ANTISEMITISM
IN EDUCATION
The Greek
educational system has a rather conservative structure, and is under strict
government control; the curriculum -- rich in both breadth and depth -- is uniform
for all public and private schools, and is determined by the Ministry of
Education. Textbooks (identical for both public and private schools) are
published by the state-owned OEDV. A religion course is required in ten of the
twelve grades. In the third grade, an elementary version of the Old Testament
is taught, while in the remaining nine years, the New Testament and a variety
of Christian theological themes are covered. Because of the emphasis on
Christianity presented from an Orthodox viewpoint, non-Orthodox and
non-Christian students are exempt from taking the religion course. This
exemption, unfortunately, can sometimes have the effect of creating a ?we?
versus ?they? attitude which can become the root of many evils.
In 1988, a
Central Jewish Board (CJB) Information Bulletin dealt extensively with the
issue of antisemitic texts found in state school textbooks. The CJB had
appealed several times to the Ministry of Education and Religious Affairs, but
although the ministers occupying the post over the years have shown some
interest in the matter, the Pedagogical Institute (responsible for actually
implementing any changes) has refused to deal with the issue. The CJB stated
that the antisemitic texts published in government schoolbooks show that ?not only
is the poisoning of the souls of Greek children consciously pursued, but clear
consititutional provisions protecting religious and other minorities are
violated.? A lengthy list of examples, with the CJB's comments on each, was
included in their report.13
Although it
was asserted that original works included in textbooks should not be changed,
the CJB pointed out that a text by Stratis Myrivilis which appeared in a Greek
literature textbook had been edited: sixteen lines describing the behavior of
Christian clergy had been omitted. It would seem that when Christian believers
might take offense, editing is deemed suitable, while no such action is taken
when the Jewish religion is insulted, wrote the CJB. One particular text
received a substantial amount of attention in the CJB report. Appearing in an
eleventh grade modern literature text is a poem by C. Karyotakis, ?To the
Statue of Liberty Lighting the World,? which includes the verses:
Liberty, Liberty, you will be bought
By merchants and consortia and Jews14
This is one of the poet's lesser-known works, yet after a barrage
of letters requesting the poem's removal from the textbook, the Pedagogical
Institute decided there was ?no well-founded, serious reason for the
replacement of this poem.?15 The CJB continued to put pressure on
the Institute to reverse their decision, but their efforts were unavailing. It
may be that the poem was retained for political motives, for it is
anti-American, presenting the Statue of Liberty Lighting the World as a symbol of
hypocrisy, a view consistent with the platform of the Socialist Party (PASOK)
in the early 1980s in its opposition to NATO, the EEC, and ?American
imperialism.? It is beside the point whether the poem's antisemitic nature was
welcomed or apathetically seen as a harmless consequence. What does matter is
the tolerance that the government so openly showed towards antisemitism.
In 1990,
when the Conservative New Democracy Party came to power, there was hope that a
reevaluation of the state school textbooks might take place. Although there
were changes in the Ministry of Education and Religious Affairs, and the
President of the Pedagogical Institute was replaced, the 1992 edition of the
modern Greek literature text continued to retain the questionable Karyotakis
poem. In October 1993, PASOK returned to power, making textbook revision a
still-distant prospect.
Implementing
changes in textbooks, however, should not depend on the political party in
power. What is really needed is an effort to create a more liberal,
multi-dimensional educational system, that would contribute to broader
understanding, respect, and acceptance of minorities, within the dominant
Orthodox Christian culture of Greece.
LEGISLATION
AND JUSTICE
In 1979, the
first law against discrimination due to racial or national origin was passed.
Law 927 specifically stated that
whoever intentionally and publicly
instigates, either orally or in the press or through written texts or
illustrations or through any other means, acts of activities capable of
provoking discrimination, hatred or violence against persons or a group of
persons, only due to their racial or national origin, is punishable by
imprisonment of up to two years or a fine or both....16
Those penalties also applied to ?whoever creates or participates
in organizations pursuing organized propaganda or engaging in any other
activity of any kind aimed at racial discrimination.? The penalties of one year
in prison and/or a fine were provided for ?whoever publicly expresses...ideas
offensive to any person or groups of persons due to their racial or national
origin.?17 Five years later, after repeated appeals by the Central
Jewish Board of Greece, the socialist PASOK party supported a revision of Law
927: the new version, Law 1419, specified that discrimination on the basis of
religion is also punishable and should be added to the ?racial and national
origin? clauses of Law 927.18
The two laws
protecting minority rights have rarely been enforced, however. Greek courts
have upheld the bizarre notion that any antisemitic references to ?the Jews?
were not specific enough. On one occasion, the Central Jewish Board filed a
lawsuit against the antisemitic newspaper Stochos; the outcome of the trial was
still uncertain when the two sides reached a compromise in which the suit was
dropped in exchange for a printed apology, yet as noted by the CJB, the paper
carried on with its policy of ?uncovering Jewish plots.? Such propaganda in the
press might well ?provoke discrimination, hatred or violence? against the Jews
as a whole, but little is done to stop it. Law 1419 bans membership in
organizations that engage in organized propaganda against minorities, yet there
has been no attempt to disband such groups, though their activities are hardly
secret.
In 1984, an
unprecedented court decision outraged Jews throughout Greece and showed the
extent to which antisemitic propaganda had infiltrated Greek society. A lawsuit
was filed by the Greek Orthodox Church of Crete against the Jehovah's
Witnesses, who had established the Christian Church of the Witnesses of Jehovah
of Crete under union status. The Orthodox Church demanded the revocation of the
Witnesses' legal status, claiming that the original court decision which had
granted the group that status was inconsistent with the articles of the Greek
constitution and other laws regarding religion, proselytism, acceptable
customs, and public order. The court decision was overwhelmingly in favor of
the Orthodox Church, and its multi-page decision made alarming reading for
Jews:
Chiliasm not only constitutes an
anti-Christian and anti-Greek organization, but is in fact...aiming at the
creation of a world theocratic Jewish-Zionist state.... It is not a religion;
it is an international organization of political and economic nature belonging
to Judaism, distorting in the worst possible way the teaching of the incarnate
God, and attempting to create a world Zionist empire based in Jerusalem. The
Witnesses are either consciously or subconsciously the instruments of Satan,
claim that Greece made no contribution to civilization, hope for the
destruction of the Christian world and accept no homeland other than Israel.19
Primary sources cited in the decision include publications of some
of Greece's most notorious antisemites, such as Bakoyiannis, Passas, and
Psaroudakis (the translator of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion).
In 1987, the
court decision was revised to exclude any allegations connecting the Jehovah's
Witnesses to the Jewish religion.20
Greece has
passed no antisemitic legislation, and the safety of Jews and their property is
protected by law, yet it is clear that gaps exist in the legal protection of
Jews against slanderous verbal attacks. It is of paramount importance that the
laws on discrimination should be enforced more stringently in the future, lest
the publication of antisemitic propaganda result in the creation of a
potentially dangerous climate in the country.
POLITICAL
ANTISEMITISM
The
conservative New Democracy party, the socialist PASOK party, and the Communist
party are the three main political forces that have determined the balance of
power in Greece over the past two decades. Party politics have naturally played
a role in each side's view of the State of Israel, and since Greeks often confuse
the terms ?Israeli? and ?Israelite,? anti-Israel or anti-Zionist remarks have
often developed into clearly anti-Jewish attacks and contributed to the
creation of a strongly antisemitic climate.
The
communists, for example, have always viewed the United States as a
trigger-happy imperialist monster with Israel as its Middle East agent. An
?anti-Zionist? stance has been an integral part of communist policy, with
occasional ?slips? in which Jews per se are blamed for various offenses.
Although the
socialist party PASOK typically denounced antisemitism, it too was sometimes
embroiled in anti-Jewish controversy. Only months before PASOK's rise to power
in 1981, a Greek Jew, Raphael Moissis, was appointed head of the state-owned
power company. It was immediately (and falsely) alleged that Moissis has served
as a major in the Israeli army during the Six Day War and the Yom Kippur War,
and that his allegiance lay with Israel rather than Greece. PASOK MPs
Kassimatis, Papageorgopoulos, and Cretikos brought the issue before Parliament,
suggesting that ?Moissis's activities render him unsuitable to run even the
least important public enterprise, let alone the strategically significant
power company.?21 The incident shocked the Jewish community, who
felt reason to fear PASOK's future stand towards them.
In a July
1982 article, published following the Israeli invasion of Lebanon, Yannis
Loulis, a reporter for the daily Mesimvrini, accused the pro-socialist
press of encouraging antisemitism. He cited articles in Eleftherotypia,
which spoke of ?Israeli Nazis?; Ta Nea, which called the Israelis
?worthy descendents of Hitler?; and Ethnos, in which a front page
headline declared that the ?Israelis have surpassed the Nazis.? ?Have those who
compare the Israelis to the Nazis lost every sense of measure, or is their
hatred for the Jews vast enough to have distorted even their most elementary
sense of logic?? Loulis asked.22 In the article he cited a letter
written by a listener which was read on the state-owned (socialist-controlled)
radio, encouraging a massive boycott against Jewish-owned stores in Greece; the
appeal had also been printed in Ta Nea. A member of the board of
directors of ERT (Greek Radio-Television) asked people to ?show through our
contempt the disgust we have for the cold silence of Jewish intellectuals
[regarding the Lebanese situation]?; suggesting a boycott of Jewish performers
who might visit Greece, and barring Jewish athletes from competing in the 1982
European Games to be held in Athens. The same person implicitly warned Greek
Jews ?not to provoke Greek public sentiment? by siding with the Israelis. Less
than a month later, Loulis wrote again about antisemitism that was being
encouraged by PASOK.23 Avriani, a strongly pro-socialist
newspaper, published a front page article with the title ?Jews Behind the
Fires,? blaming ?Jewish circles who have great hatred for the Prime Minister,?
and concluding that recent forest fires were part of ?a Zionist plot aimed at
turning Greece into a new Lebanon.?24
In a public
statement, Prime Minister Papandreou openly compared the Israelis to the Nazis.25
Later, in an attempt to repair the damage, he declared in 1983 that ?Greek Jews
are an integral part of the Greek people and the government is determined to take
whatever measures necessary to deal with anisemitic incidents.26
That same year, however, PASOK MP Ioannis Koutsoyannis inundated the Greek
Parliament with a nearly incoherent flood of antisemitic remarks, praising the
book Zionist Conspiracies, written by a notorious Greek antisemite, and
blaming ?the Jews, the Masons, the CIA and [former Israeli Defense Minister]
Moshe Dayan? for preparing and coordinating the April 1967 military coup that
took place in Greece.27 These remarks were made in the presence of
the Prime Minister, and the speaker was heartily applauded by his socialist
colleagues.
In 1986 an
ordinary session of the Athens City Council received national -- and
international -- attention because of comments made by socialist mayor Dimitris
Beis. At one point during the session, there was some noise and confusion,
which the mayor described as a ?havra?-- an insulting term which equates noise
and tumult with Jews praying in unison in the synagogue.The mayor defended his
remarks, and mocked those who protested. An article in Apoghevmatini
noted that at the time when Jews were being blamed for everything from forest
fires to the Chernobyl meltdown, the mayor could expose his prejudice openly
without concern about losing votes from a few Jewish citizens.28
Beis's comments were noted by New York Mayor Ed Koch, in his New York Post
article about Greek antisemitism.29
Such
attitudes within the ranks of PASOK led to an unthinkable political act at the
end of 1988. Following a judicial investigation, the Athens Court of Appeals
and the Greek Supreme Court decided that Abdel Osama Al-Zomar, an alleged
Palestinian terrorist apprehended in Greece, should be extradited to Italy to
face charges of bombing the Synagogue of Roma in October 1982, injuring thirty-four
people and killing a three-year-old child. Greek Justice Minister V. Rotis used
his authority to overrule the court decisions, stating that Osama's acts were
part of the ?Palestinian people's struggle for liberation of their homeland,
and therefore cannot be considered as acts of terrorism.? He compared the act
of terrorism to anti-Nazi resistance during World War II. Osama was allowed to
fly to Libya. The Central Jewish Board, other Jewish and non-Jewish
organizations inundated Greek embassies with telegrams condemning Osama's
release, and the Washington Post wrote that Greece had already rolled out a red
carpet for terrorists.30
The outcome
of the Osama affair came as a shock in spite of the previous record of
antisemitism demonstrated by certain PASOK officials and the pro-socialist
press. Papers like Avriani and Ethnos have a mixed record, sometimes speaking
out against antisemitism, yet also at times engaging in antisemitic or
anti-Zionist propaganda. For example, in 1985, a front page article in Avriani
accused the leader of the opposition, Mitsotakis of the New Democracy Party, of
?selling off the state-owned telecommunications, power, waterworks and railway
companies to the Jews,? who were said to be ?agents of foreign interests.?31
PASOK fell from
power in 1989 amid a flood of allegations of wire-tapping, fraud, and
embezzlement, but made a comeback much sooner than most observers thought
possible. Papandreou remained at the party's helm, emerging from what had
appeared to be irreparable damage to his image, and led the Socialists to
victory in a thousand days. Papandreou now leads the country in a world which
has changed considerably. His party may well become more moderate in its
approach towards Jews in view of the new European realities, and the threat
from the extreme right. The recent high-profile results of the Middle East
peace talks will perhaps make the anti-Zionist rhetoric a thing of the past.
Unlike
PASOK, the conservative New Democracy Party has rarely given the Jews cause for
alarm. Prime Minister Mitsotakis recognized Israel in 1990, and individuals
within New Democracy's ranks have shown sensitivity towards problems of an
antisemitic nature. In 1982, for example, it was five conservative MPs who
brought the issue of antisemitism to Parliament following indiscriminate
leftist attacks on Israel and on Greek Jews alike. The conservative press has
often defended Israel following socialist and communist anti-Zionist attacks,
yet the largest conservative daily, Eleftheros Typos, recently published
several interviews with Maria Dourakis, a singer who publicly describes Jews as
the instruments of Satan. The paper also defended Jean-Marie Le Pen during his
visit in June 1993 to Corfu for a convention of right wing extremists, saying
that he was not half as bad as most communist dictators, and that his message,
supported by one out of ten Frenchmen, at least deserved to be heard.
EXTREME
RIGHT ORGANIZATIONS AND THE PRESS
In spite of
the blow that organized antisemitism received after the Nazi defeat in 1945, it
has survived and made a resurgence in Greece during the 1980s. In recent years,
many antisemites have sought legitimacy under the banner of ?political? parties
or organizations that seem to have the promotion of antisemitism as their sole
purpose. Most of these groups are at the extreme right of the political
spectrum; only a few are neo-Nazi. Three types of antisemitic organizations are
presented here, quite different from each other in ideology and practice,
though they are united in a conscious effort to alienate the Jews and
contribute to the creation of an antisemitic climate in Greece.
Religious
antisemitism briefly entered the political arena as part of Christian
Democracy, a party that has little in common with its European counterparts of
the same name. Its only success was the one-time election of party leader Nikos
Psaroudakis to the Greek Parliament in 1985, achieved through a cooperation
agreement with the Socialist PASOK party. Psaroudakis is one of the most
notorious of Greek antisemites, whose activities have included the translation
of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion into Greek. The party promised to
lead the Orthodox Christian country away from the miserable traps of Zionism
and its satanic, antichrist instruments, the Jews, and incarnated religious
antisemitism into a political form, hoping for greater exposure and the
legitimacy that party labels often provide.
A recent
article in the Greek daily Eleftheros Typos looked at the origins of the right
extremist groups in Greece.49 The group ?August 4th? (named after the date of
the establishment of a dictatorship in Greece in 1936) is considered by the
author to be the precursor of subsequent groups. August 4th was founded by
Kostas Plevris in 1960, and its members were appointed to various (mostly
minor) government posts following the 1967 military coup. The group maintained
ties to Italian neo-fascist groups and to Libya's Muamar Kadafi (who had once
trained in Greece as a young officer). Plevris was jailed for financial
scandals just before the restoration of democracy; his group was disbanded and
reorganized under the name ?Movement.? In 1977, the Movement merged with
Stefanos Stefanopoulos's National Party, only to withdraw two years later to
form ENEK, or the United Nationalist Movement. The group, led by Andreas
Dendrinos managed to take control of ENEK's publishing house, Eleftheri Skepsis
(Free Thought).
ENEK
maintained offices in many Greek cities for years, and although spray paint was
widely used by party members to make their presence known, the party itself
kept a low profile. Its publishing house put out dozens of antisemitic books,
including some which denied the Holocaust, and others ?exposing? the many evils
that Jews have brought on earth. The party is no longer active politically, but
the publishing house and bookstore are still operated by Vladimiros Psiakis and
Andreas Dendrinos (who also makes regular appearances on a private television
channel). Small private television channels, notably TeleCity, TeleTora, and
more recently, Channel 67, have given antisemites a new forum, though these
channels are not exclusively antisemitic in their programming. Kostas Plevris
is one who appears regularly voicing nationalist themes, with antisemitic
propaganda.
Another
bookstore and publishing house, Nea Thesis (New Position) is also located on
Hippokratous Street (neo-Nazi bookstore heaven), and is controlled by John
Schinas.
EPEN was the
first nationalist party to show electoral strength, gaining 2% of the vote in
the 1986 municipal elections, though it later lost strength, and joined
Ethniko Komma (National Party).
A party
which does not hide its enmity for Jews is Ethniko Metopo (National
Front), led by M. Konstas. This until recently unknown group circulated a large
number of fliers and stickers in Athens, which read ?Jews Killers of the
People,? ?Condemn the Recognition of Israel,? and ?[Greece] Out of the EEC of
Jews and Capitalists.? The party's organized propaganda attempts may be
evidence of significant financial backing. Ethniko Metopo has not
appeared in national elections as of yet, so it is difficult to determine
whether it is a political party, or merely an antisemitic organization. It also
publishes a magazine, Metopo (Front); its youth organization, headed by
Dimitris Artzetakis, publishes Nea Tasis (New Tendency).
Antisemitism
has always been the heart and soul of neo-Nazi organizations, of which Greece
has its share. Most groups are small and poorly organized, given to decorating
the streets with swastikas. Chrysi Avghi (Golden Dawn), however, is
well-financed, although it is unclear from what sources.33 The group
is headed by Nikos Mihaldiskos, and produces a weekly newspaper published by
Christos Pappas. A few years ago, when the European Jewish Congress convened in
Athens, Chrysi Avghi published a flier entitled ?[Say] No to the Zionist
Provocation,? which called the Jews the ?eternal enemy of our people who have
the audacity to speak of persecution and antisemitism.? People were urged to
join the organization in order to ?drive the Zionist snake our of their home.?
An address for potential new members to contact was provided. The group is not
a secret organization, but has offices in several Greek cities. In addition to
fliers and red-black-and-white stickers bearing the group's neo-Nazi logo and
slogans such as ?Zionism is our Misfortune,? Chrysi Avghi also began
publishing a monthly magazine of the same name. Nazi leaders have often
appeared on the cover, while Jews have been the topic of discussion in the
articles. A 1988 issue denied the Holocaust, citing several ?revisionist
historians? and other ?reliable sources? and stated that the death of some tens
of thousands of Jews in bloodshed which they themselves had provoked should
come as no surprise.34 In 1994 the group ran unsuccessfully in the
European Parliamentary elections.
THE
ANTISEMITIC PRESS AND OTHER LITERATURE
Any
reference to organized antisemitism in Greece would be incomplete without a
glance at what is being published. The oldest and most notorious antisemitic
newspaper is Stochos, which published the Protocols of the Elders of
Zion in their entirety in serial form.35 As a weekly, the
newspaper hangs in the kiosks for five or six days, therefore giving it greater
exposure. It sells only a few thousand copies in all of Greece, and just as
many abroad, but it is quite easy to find due to an aggresive distribution
network. A front page story in 1987 called the Jewish festival of Hanukkah ?a
celebration of hatred against Greeks,? while a 1988 cover featured a picture of
Israeli soldiers under the title ?The Beasts Who Crucified Christ Are Now
Exterminating the Orthodox.?36 In its pages, ?Zionists? have been
accused of leading the young into homosexuality and drug use, and the paper questions
the allegiance of Greek Jews to their native land. Stochos at one point
was engaged in something of a contest of antisemitism with the right wing paper
Eleftheri Ora, with each reproaching the other for not being eager
enough in its fight against the Jews in a near-comical swap of accusations. Eleftheri
Ora's publisher, G. Michalopoulos, also publishes a smaller paper, Nei
Anthropi, in which a typical front page article was entitled ?Jewish Human
Sacrifice,? and providing ?proof? of the familiar blood libel.37
Well-known
Greek antisemites have authored a number of books about Zionism and the Jews;
Ioannis Fourakis and Andreas Dendrinos argued that there is a constant battle
between Zionism and Hellenism, and wrote about alleged Zionist conspiracies.
Kyriakos Diakoyannis wrote several books about the ?human piranhas,? which were
printed in several editions after having sold out.38 Ioannis Passas
included several antisemitic articles in the scholarly encyclopedia Helios
which he edited, and followed that with a book to further ?document? his case
against ?Jewish Zionism, one of the greatest enemies of Hellenism, Christ, and
Civilization.?
ENEK's
Eleftheri Skepsis published an entire series of books similar to and including
Dietrich Eckart's Zionism from Moses to Lenin, based on the English
translation which had been published by White Power Publications in the United
States that was based on the 1924 edition published in Nazi Germany.39
Other Athens
publishers have printed the works of foreign antisemites, and such literature
is not difficult to find in bookstores in the heart of the city.
Organized
antisemitism has made significant advances in the last decade, and the current
pattern points to further growth and evolution, particularly if Greek antisemites
find additional funding for their activities. The best possible way to limit
further resurgence of organized antisemitism may be to enforce the laws which
currently exist against it.
ANTISEMITIC
INCIDENTS
Although few
antisemitic incidents are recorded in Greece compared to other European
nations, they are still notable.
Slogans
against Jews have long decorated the streets of every Athens neighborhood, from
the port of Piraeas to the elegant suburb of Kifissia and beyond. The medium of
choice is black spraypaint or markers, although in recent years, stickers have
become more prominent.
In the
archives of the Central Jewish Board, one can find typical slogans: ?Greeks
kill the Jews?; ?Jews to the ovens? (Thessaloniki, May 1980); ?Deport the
Jews,? ?Bomb the synagogue? (Athens, March 1983); ?Jews you will die?
(Maroussi, April 1987); ?Death to the Jews? (Kefalari, 1990); and many more,
accompanied by a swastika or other neo-Nazi symbol. Some slogans demonstrate
their origins among the ultra-religious: ?Jews = Antichrist,? or ?No to the new
[EEC-issued] ID cards of the Jews and Masons? (Kifissia, 1993). Such slogans
are often accompanied by others such as ?Jesus saves,? or ?Orthodoxy shall
prevail.?
More serious
acts of vandalism, almost certainly the work of right wing extremist elements
have been known to occur from time to time, such as the incident that took
place in Volos on July 26, 1987.40 Swastikas, threats, and slogans
were spray-painted on the synagogue, as well as the windows of several Jewish-owned
stores, one of which was smashed. In a letter to the police commissioner, the
local Jewish community expressed fears that similar or more serious incidents
might occur in the future, threatening the safety of Jews and their property.
In an equally disturbing incident in 1989, a Jewish memorial was smashed by
perpetrators who were never caught. The memorial was a marble plaque at the
Lianokladi railway station in memory of 5,000 Jews who were forced by the
Germans to build railway tracks in 1943, and were subsequently sent to their
deaths in concentration camps.41
Such
incidents are usually committed in the dark, but one incident took place openly
in 1989; it occurred in Germany, but the protagonists were Greek. While the
European Championship Cup basketball matches were taking place in Munich in
April, the players of Maccabi Tel Aviv went to visit the site of the nearby
Dachau concentration camp. Greek hooligans, fans of Aris Thessaloniki, were
waiting for them there, shouting ?Hitler served you right,? ?Heil Hitler,? and
?Jewish pigs, we'll turn you into soap.?42 To any one who has lived
in Greece, the incident is far from surprising. Such catcalls of Greek fans
towards Israelis, usually at basketball games, go unnoticed, but the Dachau
affair was too blatant to dismiss. It was embarrassing for the Greek
government, which swiftly issued a statement condemning the act.43 A
day later, the Jerusalem Post stated that the Greek press had
?unanimously condemned? the occurrence, but the condemnation was not always
untainted.44 The large socialist daily, Eleftherotypia, for
example, condemned the events, but also suggested that Maccabi was ?glorifying
the Zionist propaganda of the modern Israeli state,? and stated that Maccabi
had political rather than athletic aims, in an attempt to remind the world of
?Israel's superiority in the Middle East.?45
Outside of
the petty attempts to discredit what was clearly labeled the ?Jewish team,? the
vast majority of the Greek press was harsh in its condemnation: many articles
express disgust and rage at the behavior of the Greek ?fans,? and suggested
that perhaps Greeks were not as immune to racist sentiment as they thought or
claimed to be. People tended to ignore such occurrences, or discount them as
unimportant. Be it denial or indifference, the consequences were the same, and
for once had received wide exposure.46
ATTEMPTS TO
EXPOSE ANTISEMITISM IN GREECE
Attempts to
expose racism, antisemitism, and xenophobia in Greece itself seem to pass
unnoticed. However, when such topics are reported outside of Greece, opposition
is strong and vocal, as if it were a kind of treason to admit to the ?the
world? the existence of such problems in Greece. Reaction against articles in
the foreign press come not only from the government, but often from the Jewish
community itself.
In April
1988, an article in Politis magazine touched upon a general aversion to
the ?antichrist? Jews, as well as prejudice against other ethnic and minority
groups. It spoke of contempt, nationalism, a sense of superiority, and outright
racism as characteristics that are alive in Greece today.47 In an
article that appeared in the following year in the large daily Eleftherotypia,
Andreas Christinidis wrote specifically about the phenomenon of antisemitism in
Greece, focusing largely on the Socialist government's tolerance and/or
encouragement of the phenomenon.48 Ironically, the article was
published only a few days before the antisemitic incident involving the Greek
hooligans in Munich. Christinidis denounced the ugly status quo, and foretold
its perpetuation.
As early as
1985, Dr. Panayiotis Dimitras published a significant article in Foreign Policy
in which he discussed the anti-Western orientation that Greece had assumed
since the ascent of the Socialists to power. He touched upong the ?latent
anti-Semitism of Greek public opinion? and its expressions. Dr. Dimitras spoke
of the notion of the existence of a ?Jewish conspiracy,? the image of the Jews
as ?Christ-killers,? the comparison of the Israeli intervention in Lebanon to
Nazi atrocities, and the ?Nazi-inspired slogans that some Greek fans chant
during Greek-Israeli sporting events.? Also cited was an unpublished 1984
public opinion poll conducted in Athens by Eurodim. According to the survey,
most Greeks believe ?that the Jews dominate the political and economic life in
the United States and Europe [and] more than half of those agree that this
domination harms their own country as well as other lands.?49 In response,
Stavros Frangopoulos, Press Counselor at the Greek Embassy in Washington, D.C.,
wrote a letter to the editor citing Greek solidarity with its Jewish population
during the German occupation. Frangopoulos also criticized the Eurodim polling
firm, claiming that ?it is not well-known in Greece? and its data is
unreliable. Eurodim, founded by Dimitras, has published polls in numerous large
newspapers and magazines both in Greece and abroad, and has conducted surveys
on behalf of the mainstream political parties, a number of government
ministries, the Orthodox Church, the European Community, and several academic
institutions.
In
subsequent years, other Eurodim polls supported Dimitras's original arguments.
In 1986, Hellenobarometer, a survey conducted in the greater Athens area
every six months, painted a grim picture. 57% of Greeks said that they did not
trust the Jews; while 41% would avoid having a Jewish boss; 43% would avoid a
Jewish doctor; and 49% would not vote for a Jewish candidate for Parliament.50
Similarly, a December 1988 Hellenobarometer poll found that 71% of
Greeks had a ?somewhat or strongly unfavorable? opinion of the Jews.51
A full year later, in November of 1989, the European Commission published a
report on racism and xenophobia based on opinion polls conducted in each
country in the European Economic Community. ICAP Hellas conducted the polling
in Greece. 17% of Greeks (the third highest percentage in the EEC) reported
being bothered by the presence of people of other races, religions, or
nationalities; 44% were in favor of restrictions on the rights of immigrants.
The questions included in the EEC's Eurobarometer poll were far broader in
scope and content in order to cover issues applicable to all twelve countries,
and did not include questions about specific minority groups.52
Shortly
after the 1986 Eurodim poll, New York Mayor Ed Koch wrote an article in the New
York Post in response to the bombing of the statue of President Truman in
Athens, and the Greek government's decision not to re-erect it. Koch stated
that the government's action was an indication that Greece was moving away from
democratic principles, and that ?other symptoms? pointed in that direction as
well. ?Other symptoms? referred to antisemitism, and the mayor cited the
antisemitic outburst by Athens Mayor Dimitras Beis, the 1984 Eurodim poll cited
by Dimitras in Foreign Policy, and insinuated that Greek attitudes towards Jews
may have contributed to the murder of Greek Jews by the Germans during World
War II.53 In reaction to this, the Greek press especially
disputed the claim that Greek antisemitism may have facilitated the Holocaust
in Greece, and spoke of a ?hidden agenda? and deliberate attempt by Koch to
harm Greece. The Central Jewish Board also condemned Koch's position, and
vehemently denied the existence of antisemitism in Greece. It disputed the
results of the 1984 Eurodim poll on grounds that ?a sample of 500 cannot
possibly be representative of the population.? This reaction is surprising,
given the fact that Koch's comments were both careless and tactless in tone.
Nonetheless, much of what the mayor stated was quite accurate, and it would
have been far more constructive had it been presented in an appropriate manner.
Generally
speaking, denial is still the most common way of dealing with the question of
antisemitism in Greece. Those who have had the courage to report on it, mostly
Greek journalists, deserve praise, for recognizing a problem is the first step
in finding solutions. Yet the existence of antisemitism in Greece is still
disputed, even by the leadership of the Jewish community, which has attempted
to keep a low profile in Greek society. Any attempts at exposing Greek
antisemitism have met with sturdy opposition.
LINKS
BETWEEN TERRORISM AND ANTISEMITISM
The few
well-known terrorist organizations that currently operate in Greece are very
proficient; their targets have included notable politicians, foreign diplomats,
army personnel, and foreign corporations. There have been only a few narrow
escapes, and no group members have been identified or arrested. Proclamations
issued following a hit have fiercely attacked the United States, capitalism and
imperialism. The two most notorious guerilla groups that have operated
successfully in Greece at the ELA (People's Revolutionary Struggle) and 17N
(?November 17,? named after the date of the revolt against the military
dictatorship that power following the 1967 coup).
A five-page
statement issued by ELA in 1982 was indicative of the group's antisemitic, as
well as anti-Israel, stance. Issued following the bombing of three American
banks, a company importing Israeli-made solar systems, and a Jewish-owned
travel agency, it referred to Israel as a ?criminal religious state,? which is
a creation of the Americans and the world capitalist-imperialist system. It
warned against those who ?sometimes present themselves as Israelis and
sometimes as Greeks...and maintain separate communities, schools, churches,
representatives, rabbis, summer camps...and even a separate place for their
corpses.? It further attacked the existence of separate Jewish communities, and
the ?incredible privileges? that they enjoy while serving the interests of
Israel.54 Anti-Israel statements were not surprising in the wake of
the Israeli invasion of Lebanon. The Greek Jewish community was alarmed by the
proclamation's attack on the Jewish religion, institutions and way of life in
view of ELA's proven ability to carry out its threats. Though operating
separately, 17N has publicly praised the ELA for its revolutionary activities. 55
Links
between 17N and Palestinian organizations was demonstrated in 1991, following a
failed attempt to bomb the British consulate in Patras. Four Palestinians were
arrested in Thessaloniki; the weapons in their possession were shown to be
identical to those used by 17N. Continuing interrogations further indicated
that some terrorist strikes in Greece may have been carried out by Arab
terrorists rather than Greek groups who proclaimed themselves responsible.56
Thus, support shown by Greek terrorists for their Palestinian counterparts was
not merely ideological, but the result of cooperation in obtaining arms and in
making attacks on targets of common interest. 17N later blamed the Patras
explosion on the Israeli Mossad, which they claimed was attempting to frame the
Arabs. The groups expressed solidarity with the Palestinians, whom the
conservative government, they claimed, was trying to drive out of Greece, under
orders from ?chief Zionist George Bush.?57
CONCLUSION
Although
there can be no doubt that antisemitism exists in Greece, few major antisemitic
incidents have been noted in the country. In comparison with other European
countries where antisemitic movements have gained substantial support, the
situation in Greece is better. Still, it would be a mistake to discount the
severity of the problem; the recent growth of the phenomenon is worrisome, and
should be dealt with decisively before it can acquire menacing proportions.
Among
possible short-term solutions is the strict enforcement of existing legislation
that protects minorities. Antisemitic texts should be removed from state
schoolbooks. Political parties should isolate those within their ranks who
engage in antisemitic behavior, and the church could be more outspoken in
condemning those who attack Jews in the name of Christianity.
Long-term
solutions include the fostering of understanding and religious tolerance.
Political interests that make Jews a scapegoat must be exposed for what they
are and be done away with. Condemnation of antisemitism must take place
consistently, not only in theory but also in praxis. Much can be accomplished
though education, which is where the greatest challenge lies.
Technological
progress in transportation and telecommunications and the phenomenon of
economic globalization are overriding traditional European religious,
linguistic, cultural, political, and socioeconomic boundaries. At the same
time, increased exposure to ?foreign elements? has resulted in a vigorous
resurgence of nationalism and antisemitism. Greater integration in the world
community is inevitable, and people must learn to respect diversity if they are
to avoid conflicts of untold magnitude and consequences.
1. This
essay is based on a more extensive study of contemporary Greek antisemitism
presented to the
2. Neoteron Encyclopedikon Lexikon Heliou, 18 vols. (n.d., was published
in 1952/53) 6:455.
3. C. Papakyriakos, ?The Antisemites,? (n.p., n.d.), 9.
4. Michael Molho, ?In Memoriam,? (Thessaloniki: Jewish Community of
Thessaloniki, 1974), 120.
5. Rabbi Sabethai, ?Jews and Christians? in Chronicles (Central Jewish
Board of Greece, 1981).
6. Institute of Jewish Affairs, report compiled by Ruth Oster, August 1975.
7. Central Jewish Board Information Bulletin,
8. Metropolitan Augustine Kantiotis, sermon, audiocassette recording, n.d.
[?1988-92].
9. Dynamis 9 (March-April, n.d.).
10. Magdalene, Hevraikes Taftotites (Jewish Identification Cards)
(Kozari: Analipseos Kozanis Convent, 1992).
11. Jules Isaac, ?L'enseignement du mepris?, in ?Jules Isaac and his Work?
(Jewish Youth of
12. Rabbi Sabethai, ?Jews and Christians? in Chronicles (Central Jewish
Board of Greece, 1981).
13. ?Antisemitic Texts in Schoolbooks,? in Central Jewish Board of
14. N. Gregoriadis, D. Karvelis, C. Milionis, et al, Modern Greek Literature
Texts, 4th ed. (Athens: OEDV, 1985), 263. The CJB asked Minister Apostolos
Kaklamanis to overrule the decision of the Pedagogical Institute to continue
publication of the Karyotakis poem, but the minister claimed that the Institute
is ?an independent board beyond the Ministry's direct control.? CJB,
?Antisemitic Texts.?
15. Pedagogical Institute document 1588/23.5.1988.
16. Law 927, Paper of the Government of the
17. Ibid.
18. Law 1419, Paper of the Government of the
19. The case was decided by the Protodikeion Harakleiou on
20. Crete Court of Appeals decision 354 of 1987.
21.Chronicles, March 1981.
22. Yiannis Loulis, ?Antisemitism Resurrected in the Deliberate Anti-Jewish
Raving,? Mesimvrini,
23. Yannis Loulis, ?Antisemitic Incidents and Government Responsibility,? Mesimvrini,
24. Ibid.
25. Ibid.
26. CJB Information Bulletin,
27. Minutes of the Parliament of the
28. Spiros Payatakis, ?City Council Holocaust,? Apoghevmatini,
29. Edward Koch, ?A Modern Greek Tragedy,?
30. ?You Can Kill A Jew!? CJB Information Bulletin,
31. ?Mitsotakis is Selling OTE and DEI to the Jews,? Avriani,
32. Nikos Stamatiou, ?Neo-Nazis ?Made in
33. Petros Kassimatis, ?[People] Nostalgic of the Third Reich in the Heart of
34. ?The Myth of the Six Million and the Truth of Numbers,? Chrysi Avghi,
October 1988.
35. Stochos 103 [n.d., marked ?Ninth Year (of publication)?, late 1970s?].
36. Stochos,
37. Nei Anthropi,
38. For example, Aristides Andronikos, Judas Throughout the Centuries [n.p.,
n.d.]; Dionissis Chionis, Cleansing of Christianity from the Jewish Elements
(Athens: Amilla, 1985); Andreas Dendrinos, The Problem of Israel, 2nd.
ed. (Athens: Eleftheri Skepsis, 1985); Kyriakos Diakoyannis, The Human
Piranhas (n.p., n.d.); Ioannis Fourakis, Jews, The Forgers of History,
3rd ed. (Athens: Grammi, 1984); Petros Vavalis, Israeli
Neo-nazism, 2nd ed. (Athens: n.p., 1984).
39.
Dietrich Eckart, Zionism from Moses to Lenin, 2nd ed. (Athens: Eleftheri
Skepsis, 1985), translation of the edition published by White Power
Publications, Reedy, WV, 1966.
40. ?The Jewish Community of
41. ?Racist Vandals,? CJB Information Bulletin, May 1989.
42. David Ezraty, ?The Shame of Greek
43. The government statement was reproduced in the CJB Information Bulletin,
May 1989.
44. Ezraty, ?The Shame of Greek Munich?(see note 42).
45. K. Georgiades, Eleftherotypia,
46. A list of articles in the Greek press is given in the CJB Information Bulletin,
May 1989.
47. ?Some Racist and Other Significant [Issues],? Politis, April 1988.
48. Andreas Christinidis, ?Laicism, Antisemitism and PASOK,? Eleftherotypia,
49. Panayotis Dimitras, ?
50. Hellenobarometer Vol. 2, no.18 (March 1986). The segment on racism
and antisemitism was published in English in Greek Opinion, Vol. 3, no.
5 (May 1986).
51. Hellenobarometer, Vol. 2, no. 27 (December 1988); the English
version appeared in Greek Opinion, Vol. 6, no. 1 (January 1989).
52. ?Special: Racisme et Xénophobie,? Eurobaromètre
(Bruxelles: Direction Générale, Information, Communication, Culture; Commission
des Communautés Européenes, 1989), 94.
53.
Edward Koch, ?A Modern Greek Tragedy,?
54. ELA Proclamation,
55. 17N proclamation published in Avriani,
56. Petros Karsiotis, ?Two Steps Away from 17N!? Eleftheros Typos, 5 May
1991.
57. 17N proclamation, Avriani,
Daniel Perdurant was born in 1946 to parents of
Greek-Jewish descent. He has long studied the history of Greek Jews, with
particular emphasis on the Holocaust years, and has published some related
articles. The original study upon which this paper is based was funded by a
grant from the