NATIONAL IDENTITY CONFLICT AND SELF-GOVERNMENT ARRANGEMENTS IN THE BASQUE COUNTRY
A COMPARATIVE APPROACH
2) THE BASQUE COUNTRY: AN OVERVIEW
THE BASQUE AUTONOMOUS COMMUNITY AND THE AUTONOMOUS
3.1) TERRITORY AND SOCIETY
a) Territorial aspects
b) Population and Society
3.2) POLITICS AND CONFLICT
3.3) THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK
a) The Model
b) Bodies and Political Representation
c) Legal aspects
d) Self-Government and Guarantees
4) CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE PROSPECTS
5) ANNEX: SOME DATA ON BASQUE POLITICS
1. – INTRODUCTION
The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of the main legal and
political elements of the current conflict in the Basque Country, through a
comparison with the case of
2. - THE BASQUE COUNTRY: GENERAL OVERVIEW
The Basque Country is
located in South-western
Map 1: Location of the Basque territory (shadow area: lands above 1,000 m.)
The concept of “Basque Country” referred initially to the
Basque-speaking populations and, subsequently to the lands occupied by them. In
the 1st century the Basque-speaking area was much wider than now, from
Map 2: Regression of the Basque speaking area (centuries 7th-20th).
Nowadays, the concept and delimitation of the Basque Country is not a
peaceful one. We consider the Basque Country to be formed by all the political
or historical communities in which the Basque language (Euskera) and
culture have remained predominant in some way. However it is necessary to
clarify that there is a strong political opinion stating that
Iparralde is located in the 64th territorial administration division
or French Département, Atlantic
Map 4: Spanish autonomous communities and French département 64.
population of the Basque Country is around 2.8 million people, 2.1 million
living inside the BAC. The metropolitan
Map 5: Approximation to the distribution of the population in the Basque territories (picture shows industrial employment amount per municipalities)
In linguistic terms, approximately 25% of the
population have Basque as mother tongue (30% in the BAC). The linguistic policy
on the Basque language in the Autonomous Community of Navarra
remains a conflictive issue. In general terms, more or less half a million
people on both sides of the
Map 6: Basque-speaking areas.
Map 7: Distribution of dialects of the Basque language.
Southern Basque Country is one of the richest areas in
The process of legal and political construction of the Spanish and French monarchies was consolidated over the course of the Modern and Contemporary Ages. The differences observed in the political regime of the Basque Provinces of Biscay, Alava, Guipuzcoa, and Navarra, remained intact until the nineteenth century. On the French side, however, every political difference was suppressed during the Revolution.
Following the French model, a Spanish nationalism began to evolve along
the 19th century. The attempts to politically unify the kingdom came into
conflict with the special political regime of the
In 1931, following the proclamation in
The current Basque conflict, however, has not to do directly with the armed struggle, but with the political controversy about the sovereignty and the right to self-determination. The conflictive situation is lived in different degrees all across the country, but more strongly in the Southern part. The present system of autonomy in force for the Southern Basque Country is based on the Spanish Constitution of 1978 and the historical rights of the referred four territories. Nowadays, Navarra is an Autonomous Community of its own, while the three provinces of Biscay, Gipuzkoa, and Alava set up the Basque Autonomous Community since 1979. For the purposes of this paper I will compare in general the situation and political system of the Autonomous Province of Bozen, on the one hand, and the BAC, on the other. Therefore, I will hereinafter refer to the BAC.
THE BASQUE AUTONOMOUS COMMUNITY AND THE AUTONOMOUS
a) Territorial aspects
The size of the APST (14,000
km2) is very similar to that of the Southern Basque Country (17,000 km2), and
approximately the double of the BAC (7,000 km2). In any case both autonomous
territories are very small in comparison with their respective states,
Both areas are characterised
by their dramatic landscape. In both cases, we find a very mountainous
territory that determines the traditional way of life in many aspects. In the
Although the two countries
are geographically difficult areas, both
Map 8: Location of the Basque lands (shadow area: lands above 1,000 m.)
The two regions are similar in that both
are border regions. APST is located on the Italian border with the
This element of territorial
division is to some extent repeated in the interior of the respective Southern
territories. In the Basque situation, the perception of administrative division
is due to the fact that Navarra has not been
incorporated to the BAC. Even more, inside the BAC, the so-called historical
territories maintain a high level of political autonomy. In the
The last aspect concerning
the territory is that of the delimitation. This appears to be an important
issue in the current politics of
b) Population and Society
There is a substantial difference between the population of the BAC and the APST. The former hosts around five times more the population of the latter. As for the total of the state population, BAC comprises around 5.2% of the Spanish population, while APST represents only a 0.8% of the Italian population.
Both autonomous areas have
in common linguistic plurality and religious homogeneity among their respective
Another important difference
in the linguistic reality of both countries is that the German language (a
minority language in the
Migration flows follow today
a very similar pattern in both cases. The BAC was for many years a very
attractive area for many inhabitants of rural areas in West and
3.2.- POLITICS AND CONFLICT
From a political point of
When we use the term “Nationalist Ideology”, we normally refer to that aspiration to sovereignty that can be appreciated in several nationalities or national minorities that do not enjoy an own political framework or do not belong to their respective kin-state. “State Ideology” in the sense of the maintenance of territorial integrity without consideration to the wishes for self-determination of these communities can be also considered as nationalistic, but this expression is not normally used in this sense. We will refer to this type of aspiration as “Unionist ideology”.
In this context, the origin
of the nationalist ideology in
Both conflicts have a common
past of suffering during the 20th century under different totalitarian regimens.
In the Tyrolean case, the fascist period lasted for 20 years from 1922 to 1943.
After the surrender of the Italian forces, the Nazi annexed de facto
In the same context, it is worth mentioning that the nationalist ideology has played in both cases a bigger role than the exclusively political one. The nationalist ideology has functioned as an element of socialisation and a tool for the construction and maintenance of the community itself. Nationalism, in this sense, has given to the autochthonous culture, language, and way of life the space to develop apart from the official net of the state. In both cases, with reference taken perhaps to the Irish nationalism of the 19th century as a model, nationalism has developed not only a strong political party (SVP in South Tyrol, PNV and others in the Basque Country), but also a wide web of cultural, sport, leisure, church associations, alternative systems of communications, community activities, gatherings, and many other issues to support the sense of community and the feeling of being different.
In the same sense, maybe it
is of interest to realise that in both communities the local Catholic Church
has traditionally played an important role to maintain and develop a different
national identity, mainly through the linguistic heritage. And it is also clear
the close link that there has traditionally been between the nationalist
movement and important sectors of the local Church. Both
It is worth mentioning here that both SVP and PNV share a Christian-Democrat ideology. Both were members of the European Christian-Democrat family from the foundation of this movement, although today PNV does not make part of the European Peoples Party due to the bitter differences with the Spanish Popular Party. However, for many years, the respective MEPs of the SVP and PNV have participated in the Popular Group of the European Parliament, while the affiliation to the European Free Alliance of political parties representing European nationalities has corresponded to much smaller parties as UFS (Union für Südtirol) and EA (Eusko Alkartasuna) respectively.
On the other hand, the
unionist ideology is linked in both cases with the immigrant population living
in the APST or the BAC. However, in the Tyrolean case, due to the clear
division of linguistic communities, we can fully identify Italian-speaking
population (which means today descendants of immigrants) with unionism, while
in the Basque Country the reality is not so easy to establish. In fact, it is
easy to show the link in the vote between immigrants (or descendants of
immigrants) with unionist parties. And it is also true that one of the three
geographical origins of the current Spanish Workers Socialist Party was the
area of immigrant population around
In any case, both countries show also an identity in the fact that nationalism is a majority ideology according to regional polls. In APST, the votes got by the different German and Ladin parties have always been more than 60%. In the Basque case, according to the autonomous polls celebrated since 1980, political parties in favour of self-determination for the Basque Country have in all cases obtained also more than 60% of the votes.
In this respect, in both
cases we can appreciate a very fixed behaviour in the electoral sociology. The
native/immigrant ascendant, the linguistic ability and the rural/urban
environment of living have a very strong influence on the vote of the
The most visible differences
between the political reality in
Firstly, the fact that
The issue of violent
expression of the conflict constitutes the second main difference between
It must be clearly said at this point that the current support for the armed struggle carried out by ETA in the Basque Country is becoming marginal. If the political branch of ETA (Batasuna) has fallen down to 10% of the votes in the last polls after the break of the cease-fire (against 18% during the cease-fire in 1998), we know from different surveys that at least half of the voters of Batasuna do not agree with the use of violence by ETA. This would mean that support for use of violence would be around 5%. It is also true that after 40 years of armed struggle and violence not only by ETA but also from the state side in many cases, there is an important sector of the population suffering directly from the conflict (relatives of prisoners, victims of state violence,…) whose position tends to be favourable to the one of ETA. We cannot forget the years of the brutal repression under Franco’s dictatorship and the campaigns of dirty war against ETA carried out by the Spanish governments during the seventies and eighties. Death-squads created by the Socialist government in the eighties caused around 30 dead, many of whom were completely innocent. Presently, there are still repeated accusations of tortures and bad-treatment of detainees, exceptional legislation for anti-terrorist fight that is questioned by the Council of Europe, and a very hard policy against the ETA prisoners and their relatives that is also widely contested by the Basque society. Of course, a vast majority of the Basque population has shown many times its disapproval of ETA’s criminal methods, and has asked for the dissolution of this group or, at least, its abandonment of the use of violent methods for political purposes. In any case, the violent element, not being a substantial part of the real political problem of the Basque Country, complicates very much the search of lasting resolution and makes the division between the different ideologies more and more bigger. In this respect, one can identify three different and far distant blocks in the Basque politics: defenders of and opponents to the right of self-determination and a third side represented by Batasuna, which does not condemn ETA’s violence, thus making impossible any kind of political collaboration with the rest of Basque national parties.
The third important element
of difference in this field is the perception of the conflict as a live or
settled one. In the
In the Basque case, however,
the political conflict is not solved at all, not because there are still
violent action by some extremist groups, but due to the persistence of a strong
disagreement on the self-determination question and the lack of legitimacy of
the whole legal framework. On the one hand, Spanish Constitution obtained a
very narrow support of the Basque population in the referendum held on
All this brings us to an easy conclusion that the Basque political conflict is far away from a lasting solution. Any analysis of the development of the Basque politics in the last five years would stress the affirmation that the disagreement between Spanish and Basque parties is even deeper than ever in the past. It is not easy to foresee the future evolution of the situation in the Basque Country, although there is a strong tendency towards a deadlock of the system, followed by a deeper division of the society into the three different political blocks we have referred to earlier.
Finally, another important
element in the solution of this type of conflicts is the attitude of the
population living in the state but outside the conflict region. In the Basque case,
the Spanish population experience the conflict in a very sensitive way and the
main Spanish political parties use the confrontation strategy against the
Basque nationalism in search of socio-political cohesion. The political debate
within Basque nationalism and fight against violent action are very often
highlighted, and the public opinion is strongly shaped by views of the state
mass media on this conflict. In such a situation, any possible solution in
terms of recognition of the demands of the nationalists can be seen as a
betrayal to of one of the essential elements of the state. At the same time,
the possible elements of asymmetry that could be integrated in favour of the
Basque Country would be understood as privileges, and other Autonomous Communities
would claim for the same level of self-government. Thus, asymmetry becomes very
difficult for the Spanish constitutional structure. It is rather subjective to
stand that this element is also present in the
3.3.- THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK
a) The model
Both BAC and APST are
self-governed territories within the framework of the respective states of
If we look for an element of
asymmetry in the autonomous systems hitherto studied in respect to the rest of
autonomous communities or regions, the answer is controversial. In the case of
The Constitution protects and respects the historic rights of the territories with “fueros”.
The general updating of the “fuero” system shall be carried out, when appropriate, within the framework of the Constitution and the Statutes of Autonomy.
The asymmetry can also be appreciated by considering the territorial autonomy for the Basque Country as a kind of agreement between the Basque people and the state. This principle of the contract is further emphasised in the Statute of Autonomy of the Basque Country. The Additional Provision to the Act on Autonomy of the Basque Country states that:
The acceptance of the system of autonomy established in this Statute does not imply that the Basque People waive the rights that as such may have accrued to them in virtue of their history and which may be updated in accordance with the stipulations of the legal system.
The Statute of Navarra includes also a very similar Additional Provision, on the basis of the “historical rights” that belong to the “historical territories” or territories with “fueros”. These are the remaining consequences of the special political regime of the history of the Basque Provinces of Biscay, Alava, Gipuzkoa, and Navarra, which lasted until the 19th century.
In a nutshell, none of both systems expressly recognises an asymmetrical model for the territorial autonomy of the BAC or APST, but in both cases some peculiar legal elements can be founded to defend a kind of special character of these autonomies.
b) Bodies and political representation
APST and BAC have adopted an internal parliamentary system in which the president of the executive body is elected by the parliament and is accountable to it. A difference in the system is that the Basque president nominates the rest of the members of the government, while in South Tyrol it is the provincial council that elects the members of the executive, with due consideration of the linguistic groups. In both cases we find a parliament with a sole chamber. However, in the case of the Basque statute, the fact that Basque Parliament is composed by the same number of members of each of the provinces (or historical territories), regardless of their population (art 26 ABC), is a very remarkable characteristic. This has a great political influence in the composition of the parliament, once considered that Alava has only a fifth of the population of Biscay. The explanation for this strange composition is the idea of the Basque nationalism of building up a country highly decentralised, giving very much power to the territories and their respective parliaments and governments. In this sense, the central bodies of the autonomous community would have wide functions of co-ordination, and the parliament would remain the second chamber of a federal system. However, the political practice in the Basque Country has erased this initial idea and today the most important laws and decisions are taken by the central parliament of the community. The representation of the two provinces in the regional parliament of Trentino-Alto Adige is also the same, although in this case differences in population are not so important.
Likewise, the internal distribution of political power is also a common characteristic in the BAC and the autonomous Region of Trentino-Alto Adige. In both cases, under the autonomous level we find a provincial level of autonomy with its own parliaments and governments exercising political powers. This is in fact the case of the APST. In this respect, both systems have this common element of a complexity in bodies because instead of being a unique institutional level, there are two territorial levels within the autonomous territory.
Concerning institutional aspects, there is a difference in the autonomous systems that one should examine regarding to the existence or inexistence of clearly defined communities. Thus, in the main bodies of the APST and the Region, parliaments and governments, one should consider the representation of the linguistic groups living in the territory. This issue does not appear in the Basque system and the knowledge of a given language is not a requirement for the composition of the main bodies. In this sense, we cannot speak in the BAC of any kind of cross-community guarantees.
Finally, with respect to the representation of the autonomous territories in the state bodies, in both cases the representation of the parliament is made through the MPs elected in the respective territories. There is no participation of the autonomous entities in the election of the members of the constitutional court in any case. For the election of the head of state, APST participates through the representatives of the region, while there is no chance for this in the Spanish case, which is organised as a monarchy. As for a possible representation in the central government, there is no provision in the Basque case, while in the case of APST, article 52 ATA foresees the presence of the president of the province in the Council of ministers when the former is dealing with questions affecting the autonomous province.
c) Legal aspects
In both cases the basic laws for the autonomous system are the Constitution and the respective Statutes of autonomy. For APST, the Italian Constitution and Act on Autonomy date back to 1947 and 1972 respectively. For the BAC, the Spanish Constitution was adopted in 1978, whereas the Statute is in force since 1979.
As for political rights, all Spanish citizens living in any municipality of the BAC are legitimated to vote in the Basque autonomous elections. Also are entitled to vote (and to be elected) all Spanish citizens living abroad, whose last residence in the Spanish state was located in any of the municipalities of the BAC, and their descendants. Therefore, there is no requirement of residence period to achieve the political rights in the Basque system. In APST and the Region of Trentino Alto-Adige, on the contrary, there is a requirement of four years of uninterrupted residence to be entitled to vote and be elected in regional and provincial polls, as established in article 25 ATA.
In the field of linguistic rights, ABC states, under article 6, that Basque and Spanish are both official languages in the whole territory. Everybody has the right to use any of these languages in private and public life. According to article 3 of the Spanish Constitution, Spanish citizens have the obligation of knowing Spanish language, but there is no obligation of knowing any other language of the state. The official statute of the Basque language follows a territorial model. Basque is also supposed to be official in some areas of Navarra. In theory, any citizen is entitled to use any of the official languages in his or her relations with any public administration, including the judicial power. However, the socio-linguistic reality of the country avoids full implementation of this provision. It must be said also that some public administrations, especially those depending on the central government are very reluctant to implement any measure to facilitate the incorporation of the Basque language into the public relations sphere.
Article 99 of ATA states
that in the region German language is “parificata” with Italian. This clause could be considered as
a proclamation of the official status of the German language in the whole
region. However, this is not the interpretation commonly accepted. In general,
we can consider that German is an official language in the territorial sense in
the APST, while on the regional level, German-speaking
citizens of APST have the right to use the German language in their relations
with regional bodies (art 100 ATA). In this sense, the status of the German
language can be considered as official with a territorial meaning in APST and
with a personal meaning for the regional administrative level. Ladin language cannot be considered an official language
according to the statute. If there were a similar official status for the Ladin language, this would not spread over the valleys of Badia and
Finally, some words should
be said about the reform process foreseen for the statutes of BAC and Trentino-Alto Adige. In the first
case, the reform process is a quite complex one. In any case, the new text must
be passed by the central parliament and submitted to a referendum of the Basque
people. These requirements stress the contract characteristic of the statute
that we mentioned above. On the contrary, ATA must be reformed following the
process foreseen in the Constitution for constitutional laws (art 103 ATA).
This means that the region or the provinces have not a final decision-making
power on the shift of the text. In this sense,
d) Self-government and guarantees
As we mentioned before, BAC
and APST are two models of territorial autonomy within the framework of a
unitary state. In the scope of
In view of the level of
self-government included in the models hitherto studied, the BAC and APST share
the fact that the autonomous bodies have no power in terms of international
relations. International issues remain as the sole jurisdiction of the state
both in Spanish and Italian Constitutions. In other systems of territorial
autonomy, as the one of
The high level of self-government of the
BAC and the APST is reflected in a long list of legislative and executive powers
to be exercised by the community or provincial bodies. In both cases, this
degree of autonomy is complemented with an adequate provision of finance means
or resources, which can be considered itself as an important guarantee for the
autonomous functioning. Economic situation and legal provisions allow, in both
cases, a good amount of independence to the autonomous bodies in order to
develop their own policies. There is, however, a great difference in the way of
providing this financial autonomy. In the case of the APST, resources are
provided by the state according to some formula foreseen in the ATA (art 69-86). Most
of the revenues obtained by the state in the province remain within it for the
budget of the autonomous bodies. In the case of the Basque Country, however,
the autonomous system reflects the traditional tax independence of the
historical territories. In this sense, each Basque province or territory has
its own Treasury and is in charge of collecting the taxes from the citizens.
After the tax collection, the provinces provide the resources for the budget of
the Autonomous Community first, and then for that of the state for the power
exercised by this inside the BAC. In practice, this system allows in the
practice an independent (although co-ordinated) functioning of the Basque
Treasury with respect to the state one. In case the economic situation evolves
better in the BAC than in
As for the guarantees for self-government,
we find some differences between both systems. From the constitutional
perspective, Spanish Constitution recognises, under article 2, the right to
autonomy of the nationalities that make up the “Spanish nation”; but there is
no further provision for granting an autonomy for the
Basque Country. The map of autonomous communities is not drawn in the
Constitution and, in this sense, there is no specific
guarantee for providing autonomy for the Basque country as a whole. This
explains also the fact that Navarra constitutes an
autonomous community itself. On the contrary, in the Italian Constitution, it
is clearly specified which regions would be created and also if they would be
regions with special or ordinary statute (art 116 and 131). Another difference
in terms of guarantees appears in the international law scope.
Finally, possible conflicts
of powers between autonomous and central institutions are solved in a very
similar way in both cases. On the one hand, the constitutional court is the
competent body to know about the conflicts between autonomous and central
authorities. Autonomous and state laws can be taken out before the
constitutional court, and the latter can declare them to be unconstitutional.
However, we must remind here that the composition of the constitutional court
in the Spanish and Italian systems does not come from a balanced election between
state and regions or communities, as is the case in
4.- CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE PROSPECTS
comparative analysis of the realities of
From the previous comparative analysis, the reader can get a broad picture of the relation between the national identity conflict in the Basque Country and the failure of the territorial autonomy arrangement in force. The existence of an ongoing conflict shows that the system has not been able to solve in a peaceful and generally accepted way the problem. The conflict does not arise so much in a violent way (in spite of the dramatic consequences of the use of violence), as it does politically between supporters and opponents to the right to self-determination. This confrontation between political families or blocks, reflecting different national identities, is also getting bigger, at least in view of the political practice during the last period.
The use of violence by an armed group like ETA, with little but significant support, does not help at all in the search for a solution to the political problem. At the same time, the response of the state in order to combat the violence is sometimes done out of the rule of law, adding in this way some fuel to the fire. Finally, violence is too often used as an excuse to deny the existence of a political problem in the Basque Country, and to identify terrorism with any kind of nationalism.
Therefore, given the current
political situation on the Basque Country, it is very difficult to give a
vision of future, since all possible scenarios show important problems to be
considered as stable. In this respect, we can foresee three possible future
evolutions of the status of this area: 1) The maintenance of actual status quo;
2) The creation of a higher level of self-government for the BAC inside the
The first one is the
proposal of the two main centralist parties (PP and PSOE).
But keeping the actual status quo means presently to preserve the instability
of the region. Majority of people in the BAC is voting in favour of political
parties defending the right to self-determination, which is not recognised in
the legal framework. Political instability and confrontation affect
institutional relations between central and autonomous governments, creating
more and more practical problems in social and economic aspects. The process of
structuring the system of autonomous communities all over
A solution based on the
creation of a new framework of stronger self-government within the Spanish
state, would be the proposal of IU/EB and a significant sector of PNV. However,
there are many problems when it comes to implement this solution. The question
of the right to self-determination would remain in any case as the main
conflict to achieve such a solution. Besides that, there is not very much space
to create new powers for the autonomous institutions without taking them from
the basic core powers of the state. According to a broad reading of the Statute
in force, BAC has powers in almost all the aspects apart from Defence,
International Relations, Borders control, Citizenship,
Passports and Criminal Law. It would be very difficult to draw up a new system
without creating de facto an independent state. At the same time, this solution
would have to face the risk of not getting the support from both sides of the
political confrontation. In addition, for
The third possibility for
the future is independence, with the creation of a new Basque state. This is
the solution preferred by Batasuna, EA, and some
sectors of PNV, always through the democratic exercise of a right to
self-determination. The main problems for this solution, apart from the lack of
massive support at this particular moment, would be the territorial question.
In drafting the border of the new state, many Basques would be left out if Navarra were not part of the new state. In the other way
round, many non-Basque people would be included in the new state if Navarra were incorporated. A similar problem could arise
In any case, the territorial autonomy established through the statute of 1979 is nowadays in crisis. There is no defined model for the future of the Basque Country and all possible solutions appear equally unsatisfactory for a significant sector of the population. The current model has helped to consolidate an autonomous system that worked out reasonably well for around 15 years. However, at all moments, an important political sector of the Basque Country has been excluded from this consensus. This exclusion of a political share of 15-20% has created also the political condition for the maintenance of a violent group alive. Today, disagreements in the interpretation of the statute and in the political aspirations of Spanish and Basque parties are taking the situation to a permanent confrontation. Unless there is a kind of consensus on the idea of self-determination to create a new system with the agreement of all the main parties, it will remain difficult to achieve a lasting solution to the national identity conflict in the Basque Country.
5.- ANNEX: SOME DATA ON BASQUE POLITICS
· AGOSTINI, P (1990), “La cuestione altoatesina, problema di autonomia”, in AGOSTINI, P. et alia, Il Nord-Est: diversita e convergenze, Rezzana, Vicenza.
ALCOCK, A.E. (1991)
“Proportional Representation in Public Employment as a Tecnique
for Diminishing Conflict in Culturally Divided Communities: the case of
· ALCOCK, A.E. (1992), “The Protection of Regional Cultural Minorities and the Process of European Integration: the Example of South Tyrol”, in International Relations, vol. 9, no.1, p. 17-37.
ALCOCK, A.E. (2001), The
· BARTOLE; S. (1996): "The Situation in Italy", in Local Self-Government, Territorial Integrity and Protection of Minorities, Swiss Institute of Comparative Law, Zurich, p. 23-33.
· BELARDI, W (1994), Profilo storico-politico della lingua e della letteratura ladina, Il Calamo, Roma
· BELARDI, W. (1996): Breve Storia della Lingua e della Letteratura Ladina, Istitut Cultural Ladin "Micurá de Rü", San Martin de Tor.
BONELL, L. and WINKELER,
· BRESSAN, S. (1997), Autonomia. Storia e Cultura, Curcu e Genovese, Trento.
· CALLARI, F. (1991), La minoranza ladino-dolimitica, Magliori editore, Rimini.
· CATRINA, W. (1989): I Retoromanci oggi. Griogioni, Dolomiti, Friuli, Giampiero Casagrande Editore, Lugano.
· DELLE DONNE, G. (dir.)(1994), Bibliografia della questione altoatesina, vol. I, Autonomous Province of Bozen, Bozen.
FELIER, M. (1997), “
· GALERA, G. (1997), Il censimento etnico in Alto Adige-Südtirol. Diritti individuali e tutela del gruppo linguistico, Universita di Trieste, Trieste.
· HOLZER, A. (1991), Die Südtiroler Volkspartei, Kulturuerlag, Thaur.
HOLZER, A. and SCHWEGLER, B. (1998): "The Südtiroler Volkspartei: a
hegemonic ethnoregionalist party", in TÜRSAN, H.
and DE WINTER, L. (1998): Regionalist
Parties in Western Europe, Routledge,
JACOB, J. (1981), “Ethnic
Mobilisation on the
KAGER, Th. (2000), “
MAGLIANA, M. (2000), The Autonomous
· NOLET, C. (1999), La Provincia Difficile: cronache politiche altoatesine, Raetia, Bozen.
PETERLINI, O. (1997), Autonomy and the Protection of Ethnic
Minorities in Trentino-South
· RICHEBUONO, B. (1992): Breve Storia dei Ladini Dolomitici, Istitut Cultural Ladin "Micurá de Rü", San Martin de Tor.
· RICHEBUONO, B. y VERRA, R. (1996): Ladins Dles Dolomites "Inant Adum", Pluristamp, Bozen.
· SCHREUER, C. (1981), “Autonomy in South Tyrol”, in DINSTEIN, Y. (ed.), Models of Autonomy, University of Tel Aviv, Tel Aviv, p. 53-66.
· SCHWINDL, R. (1996), Fronte Dolomitico 1915-1917, Kompass Lexicon, Trento.
· VERRA, R (dir.) (2000), La minoranza ladina, Instituto Pedagogico Ladino, Bozen.
· WINKLER, I. y BONELL, L. (2000), L’Autonomia dell’Alto Adige. Descrizione delle competenze legislative ed amministrative autonome della Provincia di Bolzano, 5th ed.., Autonomous Province of Bozen.
AGRANOFF, R. (ed.) (1999), Accommodating Diversity: Asymmetry in
· CAÑO MORENO, J. (1997), Teoría institucional del Estatuto Vasco, Universidad de Deusto, Bilbao.
FOSSAS, E. (1999), Asymmetry and Plurinationality
in Spain, Institut de Ciències
Polítiques i Socials,
GENIEYS, W. (1998),
“Autonomous Communities and the state in
LETAMENDIA, F. (1995), “Basque
Nationalism and the Struggle for Self-Determination in the Basque Country”, in
BERBEROGLU, B. (ed.), The National Question. Nationalism, Ethnic Conflict
and Self-Determination in the 20th Century,
MONREAL, A. (1986), “The new
Spanish State Structure”, in BURGESS, M. (ed.), Federalism and Federation in Western Europe, Croom
· RUIZ VIEYTEZ, E.J.; RUIZ OLABUENAGA, J.I. and VICENTE TORRADO, T.L. (1998), Sociología Electoral Vasca, Universidad de Deusto, Billbao.
· SAIZ ARNAIZ, A. (1988), La forma de gobierno de la Comunidad Autónoma Vasca, Instituto Vasco de Administración Pública, Oñate.
WILLIAMS, A. (1994),
 In Basque language, Euskal Herria (EH); in Spanish, País Vasco; In French, Pays Basque.
 This is the Southern Basque Country or Hegoalde, also referred to in Spanish or French as “País vascoespañol”.
 This is the Northern Basque Country or Iparralde, also referred to in Spanish or French as “País vascofrancés”.
 In Basque, Euskera or Euskara; In Spanish, vasco o vascuence, although the term euskera is also normally used in the Spanish language.
 EAJ-PNV stands for Eusko Alderdi Jeltzalea-Partido Nacionalista Vasco. The name is different in Basque and Spanish versions, meaning respectively “Basque Party of God and Old Laws” and “Basque Nationalist Party”.
 ETA is the acronym for Euskadi Ta Askatasuna, literally meaning “Basque fatherland and Freedom”.
 EAJ-PNV, EA, HB, EH, EE, IU-EB.
 PSOE, PCE, AP, UCD, CP, PP, CDS, UA.
 This is not a direct consequence of the Spanish constitution but of
political agreements made a posteriori. In any case,
the political decentralisation in
 This word has no clear translation into English. In terms of Public Law it refers to the special regime enjoyed till the 19th century by the provinces or territories of Biscay, Alava, Gipuzkoa and Navarra.
 This is, for instance, the legal basis of the political power of
 We include a list of the Basque political parties in table 6.
 The president dissolved the Parliament in 1986 due to the split of the PNV that gave birth to a new party, EA.
 The Parliament was dissolved by the president in 2001 due to the lack of majority support for the government (PNV+EA) after the conclusion of the agreement with EH (BAT) once the cease-fire of ETA was broken.
 In the polls of 2001, PNV and EA formed an electoral coalition.
 Former HB (Herri Batasuna) and EH (Euskal Herritarrok). Until 1998, the seats gained by BAT in the Basque Parliament were not occupied. They participated in the Parliament after the declaration of the cease-fire by ETA in September 1998 and kept on participating after the break of the cease-fire in January 2000.
 Former Euskadiko Ezkerra (“Basque Left”), left-wing nationalist party, dissolved in 1994. Some of the leaders moved into the PSOE.
 Seats gained by some other parties from the Spanish centre-right (UCD, AP, CDS and UA) are included in this line.