THE ROMANIAN - HUNGARIAN TREATY (1996) AND THE NATIONAL MINORITY ISSUE. A CASE STUDY

 

Vasile Puscas and Radu Aldea, Christian Chereji, Vasile Dancu, Dacian Duna, Francisc Kiss, Dan Lazar, Alina Onita, Radu Moldovan, Dan Sandor

 

The Romanian - Hungarian Treaty (1996) expresses the willingness of the two Parties to cooperate, it also proves their capacity of regulating disputes through negotiation, it shows their strong aspiration to become full members of the Euro-Atlantic institutions. This paper focuses on the legal bilateral framework this Treaty creates regarding the subject of national minorities.


CONTENT:

1. Introduction

2. Short history of the Romanian - Hungarian relations (1918 -1989)

3. The negotiations for the Romanian - Hungarian Treaty

4. The main goals of the Romanian - Hungarian Treaty

5. The Treaty - a project of Romanian-Hungarian Reconciliation ?

6. The Romanian society and the national minorities

7. The legal and theoretical framework of the minority issue in the Romanian - Hungarian Treaty

8. Theoretical and functional models

9. Idio-syncretic factors in the Romanian - Hungarian relations

10. The Central European Initiative and the Romanian - Hungarian Treaty

11. What else needs to be done to avoid inter-ethnic conflicts in Romania ?

12. Public policies and minority policies

13. From reaction to evaluation and prospective

14. Conclusions

ANNEX 1 Official translation of the Treaty between the Republic of Hungary and Romania on Understanding, Cooperation and Good Neighborhood

ANNEX 2 THE INSTRUMENT OF CENTRAL EUROPEAN INITIATIVE ON THE PROTECTION OF THE RIGHTS OF NATIONAL MINORITIES AND THE TREATY BETWEEN ROMANIA AND HUNGARY (1996)

ANNEX 3 Attitude de la population par rapport aux droits collectifs (Cluj-Napoca)%

ANNEX 4 THE POPULATION OF ROMANIA BY NATIONALITIES (1992)

 


1. Introduction

 

The issue of Romanian - Hungarian relations is a very important one for both the peace of the region of Central Europe and the security of Europe. For centuries there have been many instances of co-operation and conflict between these two peoples. The history of Romanian - Hungarian relations in the 20th century proves that the problems of the present and the future cannot be solved by stressing conflicts but by fostering cooperation between these two proud peoples. Despite the difficulties facing both nations, we must remain optimistic because, as the well-known Romanian historian Nicolae Iorga pointed out, "the hatred we have discussed exists only among the upper classes, being fed by newspapers, books and cultivated in schools. But the common people, those who work side by side, get along well together. […] Crafts, trade and commerce all bind people together, despite the fact that they speak different languages". And Iorga's words sound very contemporary today (the essay Against Hatred Between Nations - first published by Iorga in 1932 - was printed in Hungary in 1940, and a bilingual edition was published in Budapest in 1992 and in Romania in 1994). Recent years did offer both Romania and Hungary, Romanians and Hungarians the chance for a rational evaluation of Iorga's essay: "Waking up from the darkness of their past obstinacy is essential for those two nations, who, in the interest of the world, must not destroy each other - not because of their duty to humanity, but also for reasons of self-preservation".

 

2. Short history of the Romanian - Hungarian relations (1918 -1989)

 

At the end of 1918, the victory of national principle and that of the right to self-determination of the people was a reality made possible by the will and the fight of the nations under favorable political-military circumstances. This reality was objective and the Paris Conference could not change the people's decisions and the palpable realities.

After the Trianon Treaty, Hungary lost almost two thirds of the administrated Austro - Hungarian territory to the benefit of the successory states. Romania perfected its state unity by unifying Transylvania, Bucovina and Bessarabia with the Romanian Old Kingdom.

Between the Two World Wars the Hungarian political philosophy was dominated by the principle of total revisionism ("everything back"). The essence of this strategy was the finding of those alliances with the states that could better sustain the territorial claims of Hungary. The relations between Romania and Hungary in the inter-war period were limited, with tensions caused by the aggressive policy of revisionism coordinated by the Hungarian governments.

Meanwhile, there is a new issue that occurs in the Romanian State policy after 1918. It refers to the status of national minority. The Constitution, voted in 1923 by the Romanian Assembly, stated that: Romania is a "national, united and indivisible state" (art.1) and established the political basic rights according to the principle of civic equality. In the 5th article of the Constitution we find: "Romanians, regardless of their ethnic, language or religious differences enjoy the freedom of press, association and all the freedoms and rights established by law" and the 7th article specifies: " the differences in religious beliefs and confessions, in ethnic origins and language, do not represent in Romania a trip to obtaining civil and political rights and to practicing them." The same basic principle was established by the 8th article, which says, "all Romanians irrespective of any ethnic, language or religious difference are equal before the law".

At the same time, the Constitution of 1938 adopted the"equality of rights" principle referring to the treatment of ethnic minorities. The "Status of Minority" overruns the principles established by the "Treaty for the Protection of Minorities" and included precise indications for conflict managing.

On August 30, 1940, Germany and Italy "arbitrated" the relation between Romania and Hungary compelling Bucharest to yield a large part of Transylvania to Hungary, with a surface of 43492 km and a population of 2.6 million, with 50.2% Romanians, 37.1% Hungarians and Szeklers, plus Germans, Jews and other ethnic minorities. The fact that during the Second World War, Romania and Hungary were on the same side did not put an end to any of the problems at hand. Romanians lost much of their territory to Hungary. The crisis between the two states grew more intense.

The Peace Treaty concluded by the UN in Paris on February 10, 1947 stated that the Dictates of Vienna- of November 2nd, 1938 and August 30, 1940- were null and void, Hungary being obliged to give back all the territories incorporated in 1938-1940. In this way, Hungary's borders were back to what they had been on January 1st, 1938.

The establishment of communism was a more complex change, and the role played by the "minority issue' in this process influenced the treatment of this problem. In 1945-1946 the leaders of the Hungarian minority considered that Marxism was the main guarantee for the future of the ethnic community and focused their forces on supporting communism. Consequently, under the supervision of Soviet Kommissars, the "democrat popular state" was established and "solved" the national problem of Romania.

After 1960, the situation of the Hungarian minority in Romania caused just a few problems; the regime in Budapest stated that it accepted this as a domestic issue of Romania. After 1960, the Hungarian government of Janos Kadar, opposed to the policy of total loyalty to the USSR, adopting a domestic gradual political and economic liberalization (called "the goulash communism"). In contrast, Romania detached from the USSR (as a symbol of its opposition to the invasion of Cehoslovakia), but showed a great resistance to any kind of change in the domestic policy.

Hungary and Romania renewed the "Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance" (of 1948) for another 20 years in February 1972. Furthermore, half way through the year 1977, President Ceausescu had a meeting with Janos Kadar on June 15 to 16, when the two sides agreed that the minority issue was a "domestic" one and that the existence of Hungarians in Romania was " the result of a different historical development along the centuries". But the denial of talks over the minority issue at inter-governmental level arose anxiety within the Hungarian minority.

After 1982, the Romanian-Hungarian relations were tense because of the minority issue, Hungary taking a stand against the Romanian policy regarding the Hungarian minority. Even if the Foreign Ministers of the two states agreed in March 1983 that the problem should be solved in a diplomatic way, media polemics in the two countries were developing and rising the critical debate on the side of the minority.

A new "scandal" between Romania and Hungary burst out in February 1987, when Ceausescu publicly condemned the three volumes of "The History of Transylvania" published in November 1986 by the Hungarian Academy of Science. When talking to the representatives of the ethnic minority in Romania, Ceausescu mentioned the intention of reviving horthysm, fascism and the entire racist ideas and asked, "Who is using this science, if not the reactionary and imperialist circles?" He reminded that such thoughts "are not the way to friendship, collaboration and socialism".

On March 3rd, 1988, Ceausescu announced the plan of complete urbanization and systematization through the year 2000, according to which 13,000 villages were to be moved to other agro-industrial towns. At this point community leaders stirred and the members of HSLP criticized this plan and on the 27th of June 1988 they organized a protest meeting in Budapest.

 

3. The negotiations for the Romanian - Hungarian Treaty

 

After the fall of the Berlin Wall, the the public opinion's expectations, both in Romania and Hungary, did not lead to any improvement in the government level relations nor in society level ones. The climax of strain in these relations in Transylvania was reached with the display of violence in Targu-Mures in March 1990. Since then, both governments have negotiated on taut grounds, followed by polemics in the media. In addition, military conventions guaranteed that the resort to force would not solve the litigation.

In May 1991 Romania presented Hungary with the proposal of a treaty of agreement, cooperation and good neighborhood between countries. The document comprised explicit clauses regarding the lack of mutual territorial claims, as well as the commitment that such claims would not be formulated in the future. The Romanian side did not include clauses concerning the issue of minorities. At the end of the same year, the Hungarian side sent its own project, which did not contain clauses regarding the state frontiers, but instead outlined detailed precautions concerning the national minorities. In January 1992, in Budapest, the first series of negotiations took place on the basis of these documents. Most of the clauses stipulated in the treaty are written by experts. Hungary shows reserve to the need to include frontier provisions in the treaty. Romania proves willing to include clauses concerning the minorities, in consistence with the international legislation. A second round of negotiations is organized in Bucharest, where Romania presents text proposals on the clause of the national minorities' situation. In August 1993, in Budapest, it is for the first time that the Hungarian side accepts the possibility of introducing some reference to the frontiers in the treaty. It also proposes that a different document should be signed on the minorities' issue.

The Treaty between Hungary and Romania could be signed in 1993, because it had been designed to a great extent. It missed the part on the inviolability of frontiers and the protection of minorities. At the same time, the Romanian and the Hungarian ministries of defense tried to avoid all misunderstanding. Despite the arguments in the media, Romania carefully watched the Hungarian military doctrine and its armament program; both sides understood that they found no interest in raising tensions among them.

At the beginning of the `90s the situation in Central Europe was very strained, as Hungary did not settle its relations with the neighbors due to the problems concerning Hungarian minorities and their connections with the Hungarian government. That instability is structural, and it will survive until real democracy grows strong in every country of Central and Eastern Europe.

"The Stability Pact" was a "preventive diplomacy" initiative launched by the French Prime Minister Edouard Balladur in April 1993.The French Prime Minister's proposal came at a time when the end of Soviet Communism did not bring peace and quiet to all tensions. Central and Eastern Europe, a region with old ethnic and nationalist disputes, represented a place of potential conflict. The sad example of ex -Yugoslavia proved such assumptions right. The French initiative of the " Stability Pact " meant to create ways by which Europeans could avoid the birth of a "second Yugoslavia" in Central and Eastern Europe.

Both Hungary and Romania, represented by their governments, made it a priority of their foreign policy to reconcile with neighbors and acknowledged the existing borders. The Hungarian government, led by Gyula Horn, gives up and amends the Trianon Treaty, a thing that previous governments had refused to do. According to the Helsinki Conference, that document has been used by the Hungarian government as an evidence of its will to make compromises and to build a dialogue, in exchange for the most of rights awarded to the Hungarian minority living in neighboring countries. There were more such rights than what the European conventions had established within the Framework Convention of the Council of Europe.

 

4. The main goals of the Romanian - Hungarian Treaty

 

The signing of a treaty of good understanding, cooperation and good neighborhood between Romania and Hungary on September 16th, 1996 focuses on two main common goals: the European integration and the close relations under the "historic reconciliation". These two objectives cannot be separated from each other. The European integration of former communist countries implies stability in that region. The treaty may be the new instrument for making stability real.

From the Euro-Atlantic integration perspective, the signing of the Romanian-Hungarian Treaty represents a step forward, as the EU and NATO cannot approve of disputing neighboring countries. Having as a model the reconciliation Treaty between France and Germany, the Treaty between Romania and Hungary managed to clarify a few important matters:

- The mutual observance of borders - the fourth article in the Treaty, referring to the frontiers between Romania and Hungary settles that the parties do not and will not make territorial claims. All the paragraphs are in the spirit of the principle and the norms of international law and the Final Act of Helsinki.

- The regulating of minorities' rights - the acknowledgement of those rights is based on the Council of Europe Framework Convention concerning minorities' rights, a document mentioned in the Treaty in the first paragraph on this subject. The 1201 Recommendation, an annex to the Treaty, is included by interpretation of both Parties.

- Mutual support for the integration in the Euro-Atlantic structures - the seventh article in the Treaty states that the Parties agree that they would make contacts and would cooperate within international organizations, including regional and sub-regional ones. The Parties agree on a mutual co-operation in view of their integration in the EU and NATO.

The Romanian-Hungarian Treaty also refers to the mutual cooperation in the field of scientific research, cooperation at sub-regional and regional level, for eliminating pollution, the regulation of the traffic on the river Danube, cooperation in the fields of education and culture, media, health and social security. All these agreements are simply drawn up on paper; they do not comprise any solutions. In article 5 (paragraph 1), the Treaty mentions that "for reaching the objective of this Treaty, the Parties would make a proper framework for cooperation in all fields of interest". It is clear that those who drafted this document postponed the solving of problems and the search for real cooperation until after the signing of the treaty (see Annex 1).

If the hope to join NATO created mutual obligations for improving these relations, we may say that the admission of Hungary and the postponing of Romania could restore the imbalance. The relations of Romania and Hungary became for everybody a European security stake. Nevertheless, there is a long way from the security issue to a deep normalization of this relation. Even when these two countries both become NATO members, their relation could remain tense. In that case, it should follow the German-French model built on the same democratic values, despite the Turkish-Greek model built on the participation in the same military Alliance.

The tactics of school children should not be used in the Romanian-Hungarian relations. The Romanian-Hungarian relations have been arranged in the communist era as a part of Romanian-Soviet and Hungarian-Soviet relations. It is time Bucharest established relations directly with Budapest through open talks on all issues. For Romania the EU integration means high economic performances and NATO demands a change of military structures. First of all both organizations make Romania observe certain political demands. If the EU economic demands allowed a period of adjustment, there are no exceptions made for the political ones. On the top of the political criteria there is the signing of treaties with neighbors, a thing that Romania has done.

 

5. The Treaty - a project of Romanian-Hungarian Reconciliation ?

 

The signing of the Treaty between Romania and Hungary is merely the beginning of a long and difficult process of "historic reconciliation". A political treaty signed by both sides can be observed or not (as it happened several times in history), but historic reconciliation means the accomplishment of an appeasement. As we have said, Greece and Turkey joined NATO in 1952 in the same wave without improving their relationships; it was quite the contrary. France and Germany, members with unequal participation in NATO, succeeded in getting together profoundly, not because both are members of the same military alliance but through mutual efforts during decades and by the effort of great leaders and responsible political forces. They fought with hostile parliaments and public opinion.

The example of improved German-French relations bottom-up, from society to diplomatic and political strategies, would be important for the similar Romanian-Hungarian process. The Hungarian and Romanian minorities should be engaged in this mechanism, very difficult to follow, of a close relation from bottom to top. The life experience of the Hungarian and Romanian minorities generates optimism through its normality, which is beyond and often contrary to the policy or the behaviour of the parties representing the same minorities.

The problem that frequently appears in Romanian-Hungarian relations is Hungarian minority status in Romania. Hungary was not willing to improve its relations with the neighbors if the latter did not show the greatest acquiescence toward the Hungarian minority. The most eloquent example is that of the Hungarian minority in Slovakia, which acquired numerous rights subsequent to the Slovakian-Hungarian Treaty of 1995 which in fact was not observed by the Slovaks. This caused a deterioration of the relations between the two countries. Hungary wanted to do the same in negotiating with Romania, but their success was partial because CE's 1201 Recommendation was added to an annex to the Treaty and its interpretation included the possibility of awarding collective rights to the Hungarian minority in Romania.

In 1994, Gyula Horn confirmed that Hungary would not sign the treaty with Romania unless the DUHR stated its opinion on it.. He said that the EU did not wish to welcome any country members which had conflicting issues with their neighbors. Also, the Hungarian Prime Minister said that the signing of the basic treaty would be desirable both from the Romanian and Hungarian points of view and also from European one, but it was necessary that the rights of the Hungarian minority in Romania be guaranteed .

Nevertheless, confusions, misunderstandings and a nationalist rhetoric gave way to some "fiery" discourses about the Hungarian minorities in Romania and Hungary. Certain groups within the Hungarian minority helped formulate these speeches. Willful statements about "the lack of rights of Romania's Hungarian minority" were accompanied by others which accused the "privileges" that the same minority asked for. In this way, a false image of the reality of the Hungarian life in Romania was created. This could cause mistrust, suspicion and misrepresentations of this ethnic minority in its own definition, in the cohabitation with Romanians, and in the relations with the European and international community and public opinion.

As to the Treaty, it must be said that in few months the Hungarian side, during negotiations with the Romanian side, gave up its previously strong claims on the minority status. They accepted some compromise that shortened the delay before the signing of the treaty. This is a proof that Romanian-Hungarian relations cannot be established at an acceptable level as long as the Hungarian side does not give up on its discourse about the " poor" situation of the Hungarian minority in Romania, so that this minority could be treated with confidence.

Another point of respecting the Romanian-Hungarian Treaty will be the behavior of both countries that are part of different "waves" of European integration. Hungary and Romania have removed an obstacle from the way of their gathering by signing the treaty, but the next obstacle is about to be seen. How will this treaty be respected not only in letter, but also in spirit, while one of the countries -Hungary- is one of the "first wave" member states newly welcomed within Euro-Atlantic structures, whereas Romania is on a long waiting list? It seems that the Government in Bucharest do want a genuinely close relation with Budapest (according to the latest developments), but this will be very difficult in the new European context (Hungary joining NATO and starting negotiating for entering the EU, while Romania has not performed very well for being selected to this stage of Euro-Atlantic integration). In addition, it is estimated that Hungary does not necessarily include the Romanian foreign policy in its calculations, as it should according to the Treaty, and the supposed concessions by Budapest did look like momentary gestures meant to secure the Euro-Atlantic integration.

Under the circumstances there is a possibility that the Romanian-Hungarian relations shall not improve and the Treaty shall not be the sign of the Romanian- Hungarian historic reconciliation that the two governments have talked so much about during the months when they negotiated, signed and ratified the documents under discussion.

 

6. The Romanian society and the national minorities

 

The Romanian political scene is different after 1989 concerning its focus on national minorities. The interest of the political elite concerning the minorities' issue differs according to their formulated policy (left-wing or right-wing). The leaders of the national minorities' organizations state that they have a better cooperation with center-right Romanian political parties. Clear examples of this are the political actions taken after 1996, when a center-right coalition government, together with the Hungarian Alliance, came into power in Romania.

The policy on national minorities was also enforced by Romania's desire to join the Euro-Atlantic institutions. To achieve this goal, Romania has to fulfill the requirements stipulated at Copenhagen by the European Council: "The associated countries of Central and Eastern Europe will become members of the European Union, if they so desire. The integration of each country will take place when the respective country is capable of fulfilling its obligations by meeting the economic and political requirements set for this integration". These requirements include: "the candidate country has to have strong institutions to guarantee democracy, the preeminence of the law, the respect of Human Rights, the respect and protection of national minorities". For this reason, Romania signed, in May 1995, the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, issued by the Council of Europe. In the same time with the signing of the Romanian - Hungarian Treaty, Romania recognized the principles of the 1201 Recommendation issued by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe.

The government program announced by the Coalition in power from November 1996 includes, in consistence with the EU requests, the creation of "the legal framework to ensure to national minority members the right to preserve, develop and express their ethnic, cultural, linguistic and religious identity".

The proportion of national minorities in Romania is about 10 to 11%. Among the 13 minorities, Hungarians (7%) and others (3-4%) form the majority. The other ethnic minority groups are the Germans, the Ukrainians, the Jews, the Slovaks, the Czechs, the Armenians, the Turks, etc. These minorities are organized politically and otherwise in different forms: the Democratic Union of the Hungarians in Romania (DUHR), the Rroma Ethnic Community, the Rroma Party, the German Forum, the Union of the Armenians in Romania, etc. At national level, all these minorities (but the Hungarian one) are joined in the National Council of Minorities, and the government set up a Department for National Minorities with the task of designing and applying the Romanian state policy concerning minorities.

The Gypsies, because of their specific problems, are under observation by a special office within the National Minorities Department - The National Office for the Social Integration of the Gypsies. In the Romanian society after 1989, the Gypsy issue is considered to be one of most importance that has to be solved immediately. The solving of this problem depends mainly on the social-economic context, even if it seems to be an ethnic one.

As to the German minority, the statistics show that during the last 10 years it was reduced to 1/10, because of the emigration to Germany. The Germans live in Transylvania, the North of Moldavia and a few in the South of the country. The German Forum is an a-political organization, and its purpose is to preserve the ethnic, linguistic and cultural identity of the Germans. The Forum stands up for closer economic relations with Germany, taking into account the potential advantages thereof. There are important German investments in the Romanian regions where the German minority lives.

The Hungarian minority has had the most dynamic role in the Romanian political life, compared to the other minorities. It feels close, from the point of view of its political program, to center-right forces, which has determined its participation in the government coalition after 1996. By analyzing DUHR's evolution, one can say that it emerged as a representative of the Hungarian ethnic group in relation to the Romanian government, and it assumed the attributes of representing the same ethnic group in relation to Hungary and even to regional and international institutions. DUHR is a coalition of parties associated with non-political organizations, all having some common goals: "the political, economic and cultural consolidation of the Hungarian community of Romania", the implementation of the right to autonomy and self-determination. Its aim is to assume an active role in the Romanian political life. Budapest has always supported DUHR's claims.

The Hungarian minority's desires are both general (common non-ethnic aspirations of the entire Romanian society) and specific. There is a group of claims formulated by DUHR as follows:

  • The restating of the Law on Education - the Hungarians in Romania have raised the issue of modifying Law no. 84/1995 (the Law on Education), considering it discriminatory for the Hungarian minority in Romania. In May 1997, there was a government decision adopted to ensure education in the mother tongue at all levels and in all the education forms, including the technical and professional ones, and the university entrance examination was to be held in the mother tongue.
  • The foundation of a Hungarian public university in Cluj-Napoca, as a rebirth of the one in 1945. This claim has been made since 1990. In 1998, the Romanian government adopted a decision concerning the foundation of a multicultural university, with teaching being done in the German and Hungarian languages. The initial reaction of DUHR was negative, reminding that its program only stipulated the reopening of a Hungarian university in Cluj. DUHR threatened to leave the coalition and start a political crisis.
  • The retrocession of goods belonging to the Hungarian churches and other religious institutions, which were confiscated by the Communist regime.
  • Other requests related to the preservation of the cultural, ethnic and linguistic identity.

Hungary has a commercial and investment strategy concerning Romania, favored by the CEFTA agreements and the bilateral treaty, with a special focus on the regions where strong Hungarians communities live. At the same time one can see that Hungary and DUHR have a common strategy to determine special regional and European institutions policies toward minorities to concentrate on the issues of Hungarians living outside Hungary.

The Jewish ethnic group in Romania, very small in number, mainly acts on the cultural and religious side. At the political level, it monitors accidental or intentional expressions of xenophobia and anti-Semitism of some radical political groups. In the last years the public opinion was shown the efforts of the Jewish community in Romania to support modernization processes of the Romanian society.

Obviously, each of the ethnic groups in Romania offers its own color to specific manifestations and to all general and particular policies. The government must show respect and attention to each of them. There are evaluations made by some ethnic groups showing that they are not treated fairly, in comparison to other national minorities - especially, one incriminated aspect is the insisting on the thesis claimed by the Hungarian minority. We do not think that this a case of "double discrimination", but rather one of conjectural tone and of the abilities or non-abilities of public policy management by Romanian authorities. Anyway, the selection of these few empirical examples has been determined by our belief that they have a more visible influence on the general political options formulated in Romanian society.

 

7. The legal and theoretical framework of the minority issue in the Romanian - Hungarian Treaty

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The policies protecting national minorities are now one of the major concerns of the Council of Europe. In order to understand the definition and organization of these policies one has to start analyzing the activities of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe. This institution designed the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities, inspired by the International Convention of the UN and the OSCE. The Framework Convention confirms the principles included in the 1201 Recommendation on the definition of a national minority:

  • it belongs to the territory of the respective state;
  • it has ethnic, cultural, linguistic, religious characteristics;
  • it has old, solid and lasting relations with the state;
  • it is animated by the willingness to preserve its identity, culture, religion and language.

The policy of minorities refers to the establishment of the regulation defining the objectives that the signatory states must follow - the implementation of principles in international documents concerning the rights of national minorities has to be accomplished by national laws and by governmental policy of each state.

The minorities, by their political actions, confirm the desire to consider cultural diversity as a process of enrichment, not of division, of each national society. The reference to traditions does not mean the approval or acceptance of actions contrary to national and international law; traditional practices must be consistent with the respect of public order.

The international documents impose equality and non-discrimination as a fundamental principle. Promoting the full and effective equality among persons belonging to the minority and the majority may require special measures to be taken by the state. The state has to be careful not to violate the rights of other persons by taking such measures. This principle requires the application of these measures to the very extent that is needed.

The final documents of the UN, the OSCE and the EU stipulate the reinforcement of social cohesion, the favoring of tolerance and intercultural dialogue, the erasing of the barriers between persons belonging to minority and majority, supporting intercultural organizations which promote mutual respect and understanding. The signatory states commit themselves to encourage the right of specific expression and initiative of the regional minority language; to ensure that the authorities organize and support cultural activities integrating the minority regions in the cultural area belonging to all citizens; to secure the presentation and publishing of journals, books, newspapers, etc, written in the language of the minorities; to promote the translation into the language of the minorities of the commercial, economic, social, technical, political and legal terminology.

The same situation applies to the right to use the minority language; mention is made that the signatory states will ensure, if so needed, circumstances allowing the use of the minority's language in relation to the administrative and legal authorities:

  • to publish the administrative texts in bilingual form;
  • to permit to the administrative authorities to formulate documents in the mother tongue of the minority;
  • to allow the Court proceedings in the minority's language;
  • to consider legal any judicial initiatives and procedures concerning the use of the minority's language and to provide interpreters and translators if necessary;
  • to assure the right of everybody who stands in Court to speak their mother tongue.

The right to create and to manage private education institutions is formulated under the reserve of respecting the rules governing compulsory education. Also, these institutions must observe the same rules and standards and to accept the same control systems applied to other similar institutions, especially with regards to the quality of education. The official acknowledgement of degrees is important, and national laws have to be based on objective criteria without any discrimination.

The commitment of the signatory states to recognize the right of any person to receive education in his/her mother tongue does not require all positive actions of the state (for example, financial assistance). Similarly, the obligation of providing education in minority's language depends on multiple elements, such as a real need of the persons belonging to a minority and the effective capabilities of the state. Whatsmore, the right to education in the minority's language cannot obstruct the learning of the official language.

These principles were applied in the Romanian - Hungarian Treaty (see Annex 1). The purpose was to protect and promote the ethnic, cultural, linguistic and religious identity of the Romanian minority in Hungary and that of the Hungarian minority in Romania. For this reason, the Parties agreed to apply the principles concerning the right to establish cultural, educational and religious institutions, organizations, associations that can rely on volunteership but can also ask for public subsidy. Hungary and Romania commit themselves to recognize the use of the minority's languages in private and in public, in writing and in speaking. They will take measures to provide education to every minority member in their language, especially in public education institutions. The Parties agreed to respect the right of these persons to require access to information in their language and to assure the right of these persons to a full and effective participation in political, economic, cultural and social life. The Parties respect the historical heritage and the history and culture of each minority and promote the knowledge of the Romanian and Hungarian values.

 

8. Theoretical and functional models

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The political analysts and strategists often make reference to certain models in their attempt to find solutions for the minority ethnic groups and the states. For Europe there are the model of South Tyrol, the Franco-German model, the Finnish one, etc. All these models have been used in Romania in the post-1989 political discourse. During negotiations of the Romanian - Hungarian Treaty and after it was signed, the Romanians have pledged for a "historic reconciliation", following the postwar Franco-German model. Leaders of the Hungarian minority presently stated that the only acceptable model for their community was the South Tyrol model. During a conference in Bucharest, little before the signing of the Treaty, the Romanian authorities insisted that the Franco-German model was the only right model to be applied to the situation of Romania. The reason for this standpoint was the idea that in order to find realistic solutions, including the fulfilling of the Hungarian minority's requests, a new type of relation between Romania and Hungary were definitely necessary. Commenting the Treaty, the DUHR leaders made new reference to the South Tyrol model, formulating proposals for the bilateral document.

After the signing of the Romanian - Hungarian Treaty and the elections in Romania, the focus on one model or the other grew less intense; it was seldom that the South Tyrol model occur in the political discourse. By the end of 1996, the DUHR was part of the government, and one of its leaders was the head of the Minorities Department, formulating, supporting and enforcing the Romanian government policies on minorities. In this new context, reference to models for solving the requests of the Hungarian minority almost disappeared along with reference to the Romanian - Hungarian Treaty. Instead, both at Romanian government level and in some foreign circles the idea of a "Romanian model" for implementing minorities policies emerged. The main characteristic of this "model" is that DUHR is part of the Government and, in this new case, it has the power to formulate and support the Hungarian minority aspirations. Especially after the last elections in Slovakia, the "Romanian model" was evoked frequently, but the leaders of the Hungarian minority in Slovakia warned that at this time, the "Romanian model" was actually very similar to the Finnish one. To sum up, this means that the competition of the Franco-German and South Tyrol models was followed by the temporary and partial option of the Hungarian minority for the Finnish model (the Swedish minority party is constantly a part of the coalition in power in Finland). Certain voices in Romania point out that the DUHR has adopted this formula only tactically, because its goal is to create, using the government instrument, the structural framework to impose the South Tyrol model. Anyway, reference to the South Tyrol model is quite rare especially because of the events in Kosovo.

The models mentioned above are case studies relevant to a certain type of society and a specific regional context. It is worth remembering that all these models have a history, they are not mechanical schemes but the result of experiments proved in time. Thus, for the Romanian case it is less useful to try to apply a "model" which exists elsewhere. Actually, Romania tries to set up a functional model by which the relation majority - minority is to be developed in a general European context.

 

9. Idio-syncretic factors in the Romanian - Hungarian relations

 

  • In consistence with Romanian press, political analyses and opinion polls (as carried out by IMAS, SOROS, the "Babes- Bolyai" University's Center of Inter-Ethnic Relations, the "Metro - Media Transylvania" Institute), there are several perceptions regarding the Romanian-Hungarian relations (which include the minorities issue), in relation to the Treaty signed by the two Parties in 1996. Evidently, we have not made an exhaustive evaluation of these perceptions because we merely wanted to present those which, if included in the management of the relations between the two states, can yield positive or negative effects to the initial purpose of the Treaty. Anyway, because particular policies and decisions belong to the governments in Bucharest and Budapest, the rigorous selection and evaluation of these aspects are their responsibility entirely. At this stage of our analysis, we do not intend to make any suggestion. The mentioned set of "perceptions" is the following:
  • The press, the political discourses, etc. insist to some extent on the topics of cooperation; but when these topics are present, the conclusions are either too optimistic or oriented toward pessimism and distrust;
  • There are few clear illustrations of discrimination towards the Hungarian minority, and when these illustrations occur they start from voices considered "radical"; also, they are correlated with the reflections of assimilation by the Romanian society, and eulogize Hungary's integrating political options regarding the same topic (the Hungarian minority in Romania);
  • The focus on false problems- used as a method of diverting the public opinion's attention from pressing concerns (cf. Doina Cornea);
  • The use of ambiguous concepts, while claiming own adjustments of certain so-called European precepts (autonomy, self-determination, nation state, nation, European, federalism, etc.);
  • The frequent reference to certain delicate issues and areas, which include no realistic solutions, and which generate public emotional outbreaks;
  • The understanding of the majority-minority (Hungarian) relation by the syntagm: "the minority's dictatorship"
  • The absence of correlation between the programmatic discourses and the action strategies of the government and DUHR (the preference for ambiguities)
  • The politicians' image and reactions are analyzed only by the political party's option as "pro- Romanian" and "pro- Hungarian", or "anti - Romanian" and "anti-Hungarian";
  • The permanent and immediate emphasis on the radical/ extremist discourses - as a stage of the "confrontation of extremisms" (points out, in fact, the option for the maintenance of an atmosphere of confrontation, the upkeep of the pathetic and the making more difficult the formulation and the interception of the rational solutions);
  • The discrepancy between the elite and the common people's speech regarding the quality of the majority-minority relations;
  • The integrationist or segregationist relations of the Hungarian community with Romania education system;
  • "The image of the Other"- by reference to Transylvania;
  • Europe's opinions and attitudes regarding the minority issue (institutions, states, news agencies, etc.) are often perceived as ambiguous expressions, irritable discourses, false images (deliberate or not), preference for sensitivity, partisan tones and discrimination, the new "European curtain", dogmatic suggestions, Western-Eastern relations, etc.
  • The evolution of nationalism and ethnicism in Western, Central, South-Eastern and Eastern Europe;
  • The influence of circumstances existing in the area: Russia, Ukraine, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia , Hungary;
  • The mythology of secret service activities, international financial organizations, foreign and international plots, and other non-determinisms belonging to the argumentation regarding the reactions of one party or another concerning a delicate aspect of Romanian-Hungarian relations;
  • The models' virtues or non-virtues in the manner in which Romania and Hungary deal with the issue of minorities;
  • The diplomatic discourse of Bucharest and Budapest is kept in the sphere of protocol and ambiguity (the Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs only uses affirmative words, reveals successes and encouraging images of Romanian-Hungarian relations; the Hungarian Ministry of Foreign Affairs reasserts that it supports DUHR's opinion which, in fact, does not have affirmative assessments);
  • From the viewpoint of public opinion, the economic and commercial relations between Romania and Hungary are evaluated almost exclusively by the syntagm of competition;
  • Hungary's foreign policy in the context of its joining NATO and the EU and the postponement of Romania's integration sine die;
  • Romania's foreign policy is seen in the situation on its non-membership in European institutions, and the fear of the "Eastern pressure";
  • The treatment of the Romanian minority in Romania's neighbor countries;
  • The quality of bilateral relations as a long-term strategic option , or as a distinctive government option ;
  • The type of interactions between Romania and Hungary regarding minorities:

a)

 

 

b)

 

 

 

c)

 

 

d)

 

 

 

e)

 

 

 

f)

 

 

 

 

g) et alia.

 

10. The Central European Initiative and the Romanian - Hungarian Treaty

  • This paper addresses a very important issue in Central and Eastern Europe: the rights of national minorities and their management in various agendas such as that of the Central European Initiative (CEI ) and the Treaty of Hungary and Romania. The issue is whether or not we have different approaches on this topic and the extent to which they are different.

To start with, there is the CEI approach, one of the most viable ways to solve regional problems regarding Central and Eastern Europe. This new wave of regional politics started from the attempt to improve the economic situation of the signing parties, through regional cooperation, until all EU requirements are met by the candidates. Consequently, we are faced with a minimal agenda and a maximal one. The purposes of CEI could be extracted from this sentence: European integration, mutual support for joining the EU, contributions to the transition process and the development of the regional infrastructure, the shaping of a spirit of flexible and pragmatic regional cooperation and, obviously, the foundation of a new spirit of mutual understanding and tolerance. All these are necessary for solving a series of national and trans-national projects.

All these necessary provisions can be traced in the document signed at Timisoara by Romania and Hungary, starting with the title: "The treaty… on Understanding, Cooperation and Good Neighborhood". The provisions in the introduction and basically in every article are not very different from the purposes of CEI.

The relevance of CEI to the rights of national minorities was tested on many occasions. Even in 1990, little before the Initiative, CEI organized a conference on the question of minorities and in the next years there had been many other discussions and meetings related to it. The final achievement was the conclusion, in November 1994, of "The Instrument of CEI on the Protection of Minorities Rights". The instrument is based on universal principles and was drawn up in cooperation with the Council of Europe and OSCE (ex-CSCE). The document includes 27 articles. Next we will compare these articles with the provisions of the Romanian-Hungarian Treaty related to the same subject. The main difference between the two documents is the fact that the CEI Instrument is a declaration and its legal power is less obvious than in the case of a treaty like the Romanian-Hungarian one. The Treaty includes 25 articles, but only some are related to the issue of minorities' rights, particularly article 15. In addition, as we said before, many articles are closely related in substance to the purposes of CEI. Such is article 6, foreseeing the development and implementation of European cooperation mechanisms, article 7, foreseeing the mutual support for joining European and Euro-Atlantic institutions and cooperation on regional projects, many of which are related to CEI. The provisions of articles 14 and 15 are closely related to the articles of the Instrument of CEI. (see Annex 2)

As we have already stated, the treaty signed between Romania and Hungary has many common points with the document just seen. Therefore, we will speak less about its provisions. However, we noted certain equivalents of the articles of the Instrument in the treaty, at the end of each above-mentioned article. But it is imperative to discuss article 15, point 1, a. It includes the express provision that the two countries apply "The Framework Convention of the Council of Europe for the protection of national minorities". This may be another common feature of the two documents, knowing that The Council of Europe helped CEI to release the Instrument. The next paragraph (b) is critical, as it defines the need to protect the ethnic, linguistic, cultural and religious identity of minorities (Hungarian and Romanian), in the spirit of documents by the UN, the OSCE and the Council of Europe regarding the rights of minorities. There are some paragraphs that are different from the Instrument, but not in substance. Such is point 6 of article 15, points 10-13, the last three being related to the implementation of the Treaty (example: the foundation of an expert commission).

The critics of the Instrument of CEI may say that this declaration remains at the hand of the signatory Parties, as long as they can interpret its provisions the way they want, given the lack of its genuine implementation. In addition, the practice of some political rights may become an impediment to the practice of other rights, such as the economic one, for instance. This may be in direct relation to the lack of settlement regarding such rights, or the fact that political rights could encourage isolation, rather than integration into society. On the other hand, another issue directly linked to the integration is the assimilation of minorities. Some would rather avoid it. Another dilemma is whether CEI still has a future or not, knowing that some of the countries are virtually EU members, even though they just started negotiations and may become indifferent to the CEI development. Also, some countries could be frustrated because of their non-admission. Some hope remains, if we look at the fact that the desire to join the EU remains powerful and the existence of national minorities is a reality which needs an adequate management at present and in the future. The treaty signed between Romania and Hungary may be a good example in this respect, even though it was signed before the decision of the EU's enlargement.

Finally we can sum up the following: as shown already, there are many similarities between the two documents studied in this paper. The resemblance may be due to common sources of inspiration. Therefore we may say that the treaty can unofficially be based on the Instrument.

 

11. What else needs to be done to avoid inter-ethnic conflicts in Romania ?

  •  
  • permanent evaluation of the domestic and international context (political, economic, social, etc);
  • identification of the dissatisfactions and aspirations of the parties in potential conflict;
  • searching the real position of the state of origin and the clarification of its interests concerning the host state and the minority living there;
  • inter-ethnic communication, assuring transparency and the trustworthiness of dialogue partners of;
  • pragmatic orientation, in order to find reliable solutions ( short, medium and long term );
  • inter-community dialogue and negotiations, to set up the "bridges" and to identify the common interests of the Parties;
  • inter-state dialogue and negotiations, to assure the non-instrumentation of inter-ethnic problems for domestic or/and international purposes;
  • negotiations between minority and the host-state, using as fundaments the inter-community agreements, to correlate them with the general interests and strategies of the state;
  • detection and management of potential dangerous variables in a preventive formula, both by the majority and the minority;
  • permanent communication between central and local institutions of power, political parties, NGOs, communities in the field of the policies concerning the minorities;
  • efficient administrative decentralization in order to induce and stimulate local policies formulated and implemented by the communities, correlated with the state, region, European and international community strategies of development;

In order to evolve toward functional solutions, the above-mentioned opinions need a favorable context :

1. the subversive intervention of the state of origins needs to be avoid, as well as the non-instrumentation by it of the inter-ethnic difficulties in order to fulfill his regional or/and international interests;

2. the credibility of a minority during the negotiations is given mainly by how it proves its loyalty toward the host-state;

3. the most desirable way in terms of decentralization - the local administrative autonomy that could generate realist local policies, correlated with the communities' aspirations and resources. In this case, we could imagine the following situational schema :

Administrative local autonomy => Opportunity to formulate and implement local policies => Growing responsibility of both the local leaders and communities => Identification of the common interests of the populations belonging to majority and minority => Stimulation of the inter-ethnic cooperation to solve local problems => Dissipation of reciprocal suspicions => Decrease of inter-ethnic tensions => Inter-ethnic/inter-cultural communication => Respect and tolerance for individual identities ( ethnic, cultural, religious etc ).

 

12. Public policies and minority policies

  •  

In Romania, just like in other countries, the reform of the administrative system should also refer to the specific conditions of local communities. One of the major problems of the reforming process in public administration is the adoption of strategies that should remove the possibility of a conflict between majority and minority.

In building minority policies we should treat the following aspects that are reflected in the strategies of minority and minority respectively:

1. Identification of their interests;

2. Establishing key-points - the difficulties they are confronted with;

3. Their plans of action;

4. Implementation of their plans of action.

In order to avoid a conflict between majority and minority we should start from those who represent them. In this connection, the majority is represented by the government as well as by its descentralized institutions in the territory. As far as the minority is concerned, its representatives are the local authority, ONG's and their representatives at the central level (the legislative one, the executive one).

From the point of view of the majority, the implementation of a viable programme of minority policies could contain the following:

1. Creation of a legislative framework that would offer to local communities their possibility of self-administration;

2. Spreading successful local experiences with a view to increase communication among local communities;

3. Supporting projects of inter-community development meant to contribute to the satisfaction of certain mutual objectives;

4. Granting financial and fiscal facilities that might help the development of the local community as far as infrastructure, the attraction of investors, the support of local initiatives are concerned;

5. Promotion of education in the mother tongue in order to maintain the cultural identity of the minority.

As far as the minority is concerned, the following directions of acting would be beneficial:

1. Direct manifestation of the will of local authorities for community development;

2. Extension of communication between local communities;

3. Inter community communication with the aim of achieving mutual objectives;

4. Use of local potential in order to attract the investors;

5. Support of local economic initiatives (individual and community).

The promotion of coherent minority policies that include principles of administration and public policies both on behalf of central power factors and on behalf of local communities might permit the achievement of a framework within which individual prosperity and implicitly community prosperity might be attained. This would also lead to the elimination of differences between different areas (this is also one of the causes of conflicts). The increase of welfare would bring about the lessening of inter community conflicts by creating conditions for the manifestation of tolerance, acceptance of diversity, interculturalism.

The existence of prosperity leads to the participation of community members to the solving of the difficulties they are confronted with as well as to the development of individual and intercommunitary communication. Avoiding the conflict between majority and minority as a primary objective of public policies could increase the responsibilities of the representatives of the community as well as the transparence of public institutions parallel to the development of the civic spirit, both of the individual and of the community.

 

13. From reaction to evaluation and prospective

  •  

For two centuries the issue of ethnic minorities ( or nationhood ), has occupied an important place on the agenda of international relations and we predict that in the 21st Century the ethnic groups will play a significant role among the non-state actors, which will manifest on the international system. Achille Vinci Giacchi affirmed, in a session of ISIG, that in order to sustain an active presence of minorities on the international agenda, first of all these should temper the centrifuge forces, to probe the fact that they do not search for isolation, segregation, but rather development of their identity in the context of existing state structures and to contribute to the common progress (majority-minority).

An opinion poll from 1995 noticed that the population of Romania- majority and minorities (especially the Hungarian one)- considers that the signing of the Romanian-Hungarian Treaty is an important fact (83%). The acute problems, which the population expected to be softened by the Treaty, were the reciprocal guarantee of the existing frontiers and the solution of the dispute between the two countries over the issue of minorities. The content of the Treaty did register these public sensibilities in a satisfying matter. Except for some radical political groups, both the Government and Opposition agreed the Treaty, which they considered as a useful document, but which was only the beginning of a process, which was desired as one of historical reconciliation for Romania and Hungary. DUHR expressed its discontent on the treaty, even before it was signed. The main objections of the Hungarian minority leaders were about the non-inclusion into the adopted text of the collective rights and territorial and ethnic autonomy, but also to the fear that DUHR will be excluded from the formulation of minority policies, or even that it will lose from its organizational attributes. Analyzing the reactions from Hungary after the signing of the Treaty, we may see a similarity of opinion of DUHR, with the Hungarian Democratic Forum and FIDESZ. The conditionings, which the three organizations- one of Romania, the others from Hungary- posed to the government of Hungary are identical.

The European community and the international community received with enthusiasm the signing of the Treaty, excepting Russia, which exposed its pessimism, using the sentence "Transylvania". Generally speaking, it was considered that the Romanian-Hungarian Treaty contributes positively to the peace and stability in Central Europe, being a test of maturity of the two states which aspire to integration into the security and political-economical European structures. It was often said that the Treaty was signed due to the pressures of the West, a thing which both countries denied, but it could be stated with certitude that the West (including USA), encouraged -directly, or indirectly- the accomplishment of a final formula of the Treaty among the two Parties.

In fact, the thing expected after the signing of the Treaty was the entering in a normal stage looking to the relations between the two peoples. The Hungarian ambassador to Bucharest evaluated like this, some months ago, the effects of the Treaty: "We arrived to a very big dimension of the bilateral contacts, unusual until now, which eased the mutual knowledge of the two Parties and the bases settlement of an atmosphere of trust". Recently, at Budapest, there was a new round of The Mixt Commission for Romanian-Hungarian Treaty Application. The minister of foreign affairs of Romania, declared with this occasion: "The essential message of this visit involves the fact that we come here having the responsibility of the success obtained already until now in the Romanian-Hungarian relations". As for the rights of Hungarian minority of Romania, the Hungarian Foreign Minister refused to express a public evaluation, stating that the government of Hungary supports the demands of DUHR and if DUHR makes such an evaluation, Budapest will take it count. Even though at the beginning of the year 1998, the leader of DUHR represented in the Romanian government declared that in 1997 there had been some successes related to the resolution of the complains of the Hungarian minority. In July 1998, the same Marko Bela affirmed that DUHR "has important problems regarding the correct management of the issue of minorities, including the case of some politicians involved in the coalition". We mention that in these two years, following the signing of the Romanian-Hungarian Treaty, there had been always among the DUHR politicians "voices" declared discontent by the status of Hungarian minority in Romania. Recently, such evaluations are being sustained by more and more Hungarian leaders, DUHR menacing even that it will start a new political crisis.

Also, interesting appear the perceptions of the effects of the Treaty at the level of public opinion. In a general poll from 1995 over 34% from the respondents were convinced that in Hungary there is an anti-Romanian attitude and over 18% perceive this phenomenon more indefinitely. Another opinion poll, this time from 1997, covering the Covasna county (with a Hungarian majority), shows that 31,4% of the respondents still believe that Hungary will not renounce to territorial demands over Romania and 14% believe the same thing partially. Only 30% do not believe this and 21.7% declares that they cannot appreciate. As before the signing of the treaty, the recent polls (after 1996) indicate that in the maintaining of a mistrust atmosphere between Romania and Hungary a substantial contribution involves some personalities and political groups bad intentioned. More recently, in a Parliamentary Commission (Bucharest), it was stated that there are some data, which show that the intensity of the Hungarian irredentism increased after the signing of the Treaty between Romania and Hungary.

The Romanian - Hungarian Treaty generated a relaxing atmosphere in Central Europe, an extremely important fact because the European community and OSCE could concentrate on diminishing the risks from the Central and Eastern Europe area. The document was utile for the desire of Hungary to join NATO and THE EU, because Budapest proved that it was decided to eliminate the long-time disputes with its neighbor Romania and especially because it did not wanted to agitate the risky subject of minorities. Therefore, Hungary had disposability for the resolution of any conflict state by negotiation. Romania cannot report the utility of the Treaty to its desperate presentation for joining NATO, because it insisted too much on political and diplomatic actions and less efficiently on social-economical and market performance. The atmosphere of cooperation between Romania and Hungary, suggested by both of the Parties, together with the new political climate fostered by the elections of 1996 were favorable factors for the decision of DUHR to participate in the new governmental process, opening a totally new chapter in the history of post-1989 political conduit of the Hungarian minority of Romania.

The Romanian - Hungarian Treaty is in itself a historical document. But its text has relevance only measuring the interpretations elaborated by each Party. Several months ago, when it was released a bilateral interpretation of the Treaty, the results showed that in order to give substance to the text it is necessary to have "a continue dialogue, the relations involving the two countries should be intensified continuously" (Budapest). Also, the Treaty "should be put in practice in a proper matter" (Bucharest). As long as the will to cooperate it is sustained by both countries, as long as the two Parties are decided to regulate every interaction by negotiation there are chances for the Treaty to be an instrument with positive functions for Romania and Hungary and also, for the entire Central European area.

 

14. Conclusions

  •  

The Romanian - Hungarian Treaty (1996) represents the willingness of the two Parties to cooperate in all fields, from the economic, commercial, cultural ones to that of the national minorities. By this willingness to cooperate, Romania and Hungary have proved the capacity of regulating their disputes through negotiation, thus being actors capable of supporting the strategy of security by negotiations in Europe. This shows their strong aspiration to become full members of the Euro-Atlantic institutions. In these two years that have elapsed since the treaty was signed, the Parties have made significant progresses on the way of cooperation, both commercially and politically. The main characteristics of this cooperation are rooted in the context of European policies toward this region and in the social and economic performances of the two countries.

Including the subject of national minorities in the Treaty, in consistence with the European standards and the domestic laws of each country, the Parties proved their commitment to find mutually acceptable solutions together to support the rights of national minorities. Different interpretations of the diverse concepts mentioned in the policies on national minorities are not excluded. For this reason, there are consulting instruments included in the Treaty, as well as other mechanisms by which the Parties can negotiate to get their positions closer and to formulate solutions with real chances of application. Anyway, the Treaty creates only the legal bilateral framework and points out the main concerns of the Parties in the issue of national minorities. The solutions are coming from the identification and the concrete, realistic management of particular issues, correlated, evidently, with general strategies.

The European institutions - CEI included - and the states interested by the issue of the right of the national minorities have to analyze not only the situational prospective, but the historical experiments of this century, especially after 1989. Starting exactly with these analysis, the European community encouraged the signing of the Romanian - Hungarian Treaty with the aim not to generate "intrusive" interactions and not to provoke risks which could have aggravated the regional situation. Keeping this in mind, we believe that the evolution of the European and regional circumstances will continue to determine the way the Parties will refer themselves to the Treaty, including the minority issue. But, first of all, the Parties, showing European abilities in negotiating and argumenting the Treaty, must prove their willingness to apply it, having the main goal to achieve the level of real useful and proper relations for their citizens and for the European continent. Our analysis offers some ideas we hope will contribute to find some realistic solutions of this subject.

 


ANNEX 1

  •  

Official translation

TREATY

between the Republic of Hungary and Romania on Understanding,

Cooperation and Good Neighborhood

 

 

The Republic of Hungary and Romania,

- being convinced that good neighborhood, mutual respect and cooperation correspond to the fundamental interests of Hungary and Romania;

- reaffirming that they are committed to the human rights and fundamental freedoms, democracy, humanism and the rule of law and expressing the conviction that their enforcement and substantial enrichment constitutes the basis of freedom, justice and peace;

- being guided by their common effort aimed so that Europe becomes a unified continent of peace, security and cooperation for the benefit of all states and peoples, and determined to act in order to develop such relations which would enable the advancement of these goals;

- recognizing that national minorities constitute an integral part of the society of the state where they live and taking furthermore into account that their protection forms part of the international protection of human rights and as such falls within the scope of international cooperation, and that normalization of their cooperation in this field constitutes an important contribution to stability and understanding in Europe, to the strengthening of democracy in their respective countries and to their integration into the European and Euro-Atlantic structures;

- reaffirming their commitment to act in order to implement the purposes and principles contained in the

Charter of the United Nations, the Helsinki Final Act, the Paris Charter for a New Europe and other documents of the Organization on Security and Cooperation in Europe;

- being convinced that the irreversible changes which have occurred in Europe and in their respective countries open new perspectives in their bilateral relations; have agreed as follows:

Article 1

(1) The Republic of Hungary and Romania (hereinafter referred to as "the Contracting Parties") will base their relations on confidence, cooperation and mutual respect.

(2) The Contracting Parties shall, both in their mutual relations and in relations with other states, respect the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, the Helsinki Final Act, the Paris Charter for a New Europe and other documents of the Organization on Security and Cooperation in Europe, as well as other accepted principles and norms of international law.

Article 2

(1) The Contracting Parties shall act in order that Europe as a whole becomes a peaceful and democratic community of states based on the rule of law and will contribute to the safeguarding and strengthening security of this region, and to the guaranteeing of peace and security based on cooperation, in accordance with their obligations undertaken within the framework of the Organization on Security and Cooperation in Europe.

(2) The Contracting Parties, in order to strengthen European peace and security, support the continuation of processes aimed at controlling and limiting European armed forces and armaments to the level necessary for defense. They will furthermore support the elaboration of new confidence-building and confidence-strengthening measures and will strive at making similar steps in their bilateral relations.

Article 3

(1) The Contracting Parties confirm that they shall, in their mutual relations, refrain from the use, or the threat of use, of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of the other Contracting Party, as well as from any actions which are inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations and the Helsinki Final Act. They shall also refrain from supporting such actions and they shall not allow a third party to use their territory for conducting similar actions against the other Contracting Party.

 

(2) The Contracting Parties shall settle any dispute arising between them exclusively by peaceful means.

Article 4

The Contracting Parties confirm that, in accordance with the principles and norms of international law and the principles of the Helsinki Final Act, they shall respect the inviolability of their common border and the territorial integrity of the other Party. They further confirm that they have no territorial claims on each other and that they shall not raise any such claims in the future.

Article 5

(1) The Contracting Parties shall, with the view to implementing the purposes of this Treaty, establish an

appropriate framework for cooperation in all fields of mutual interest.

(2) When implementing this Treaty, the Contracting Parties will attach special attention to the enhancement of cooperation and the extension of relations between the legislative and executive bodies.

(3) They will continue, at different levels, regular exchanges of views in order to ensure further development and deepening of their bilateral relations and to become mutually acquainted with each other's views on international issues. Within this framework, the Prime Ministers will meet at least once a year and the Ministers for Foreign Affairs shall also meet annually with the aim of reviewing the implementation of this Treaty.

(4) Regular meetings of leaders of other different ministries and central agencies shall be provided for in the agreements to be concluded between them.

Article 6

(1) The Contracting Parties will, in order to contribute actively to preserving and strengthening of peace and security in the region, support the further development and consistent implementation of European cooperation mechanisms.

(2) If, in the opinion of either of the Contracting Parties, a situation emerges that may present a threat to

international peace and security or to its own security interests, this Contracting Party may propose to the other Contracting Party to consider jointly those steps to be taken in order to ease the tension or to eliminate

the emerged situation, taking into account the principles and mechanisms enshrined in the Charter of the

United Nations, as well as those available within the framework of the European cooperation.

(3) The Contracting Parties shall conduct regular consultations at various levels on questions of mutual

interest concerning security and defense. Upon the request of either Party they shall inform each other on the fulfillment of their international engagements concerning security and disarmament, stemming from such documents they have both subscribed to.

(4) Cooperation between the military institutions of the Contracting Parties shall be realized on the basis of a separate agreement.

Article 7

(1) The Contracting Parties will broaden their relations and cooperation in international organizations,

including regional and sub-regional organizations. They shall mutually support each other's efforts aimed at integration to the European Union, NATO and the Western European Union.

(2) The Contracting Parties shall, together with other interested European countries, cooperate in the

realization of regional and sub-regional projects and other forms of cooperation with the aim of promoting, in the field of economy, industry, agriculture, ecology, transport and communication as well as in other fields of mutual interest, the acceleration of development of the countries participating in those projects and other forms of cooperation. They shall encourage the participation of those directly interested in the realization of these forms of cooperation and projects, in accordance with the domestic legislation of the Contracting Parties.

Article 8

(1) The Contracting Parties shall, on the basis of international trade practice and norms, develop their economic cooperation and mutually advantageous trade in all fields of the economy.

(2) For this purpose they shall, in accordance with their domestic legislation and other international obligations, incite direct contacts and cooperation between the participants in the economy of the two States and will endeavor to create favorable conditions for natural and legal persons of both Contracting Parties in order to enable them to exert the undertaking of entrepreneurial, commercial and other economic activity in the territory of the other Contracting Party.

(3) The Contracting Parties shall also encourage and promote mutual capital investments and shall guarantee their safety.

(4) The Contracting Parties shall pay particular attention to the cooperation in the coordinated, international standard-conform development of their national and interconnected infrastructures, including their energy systems, transport and telecommunication networks.

Article 9

(1) The Contracting Parties shall support mutually advantageous and efficient cooperation in the field of basic and applied research, with special emphasis on modern equipment and technology.

(2) The Contracting Parties shall encourage direct contact between, and the shared initiatives of, scientists and researchers of the two countries, as well as cooperation between scientific research institutes and libraries and other institutions specializing in this field.

Article 10

(1) The Contracting Parties shall cooperate, at sub-regional or regional level, in preventing, reducing and eliminating the pollution affecting their territories, as well as in improving the conditions for their ecological security.

(2) In the event of an ecological catastrophe or of an accident threatening with such consequences or of the risk thereof the Contracting Parties shall, without delay, inform each other concerning the situation which has emerged and on emergency measures they have taken.

Article 11

(1) The Contracting Parties will broaden their cooperation between each other and with other Danubian

states, keeping in view the development of Danubian shipping, the cooperation of riparian states in all fields representing mutual interest, as well as the prevention, reduction and control of pollution of the Danube.

(2) Furthermore, the Contracting Parties shall cooperate on the questions of mutual interest between the two countries related to the issues of transboundary watercourses, on the basis of those bilateral and multilateral treaties which the Contracting Parties are, or will be, a party to.

Article 12

(1) The Contracting Parties shall promote their cooperation in the fields of culture, science and education.

(2) The Contracting Parties shall support the development of cultural exchanges between the institutions, creative associations, non-governmental organizations and associations, as well as the exchange of natural persons of the two countries and will conclude for this purpose inter-governmental and inter-ministerial agreements and work programs.

(3) The Contracting Parties shall develop and promote, also on the basis of direct arrangements, cooperation between universities, other educational institutions and the scientific research institutes and centers of the two countries, as well as the exchange of pupils, students, teachers, professors and scientific research fellows. They attach particular importance to cooperation in the field of vocational education and the post-graduate training of specialists and declare that they are ready to broaden and deepen this cooperation.

(4) The Contracting Parties shall encourage direct cooperation and exchange between archives, libraries and museums, and shall grant, in accordance with the domestic regulation of the given country, access to the source material available in these institutions for researchers and other persons of the other country.

(5) The Contracting Parties shall take the necessary measures in order to have the competent authorities of the two countries examine the issue of recognition of diplomas with a view to conclude an appropriate agreement in this field.

(6) Both Contracting Parties encourage the teaching of the language of the other country in universities, schools and other institutions, and they shall, for this purpose, grant support for the training of teachers and the organization of education.

(7) The Contracting Parties shall support the activity of their cultural centers and will make to a full extent use of those possibilities offered by these centers for developing mutual cultural exchanges, in accordance with the relevant bilateral agreement.

(8) The Contracting Parties shall, in the interest of the realization of the aims established in this article and the development of an institutional framework of bilateral cooperation, act in order to conclude a new convention concerning cooperation in the field of culture, education and science, as well as other appropriate agreements.

Article 13

(1) The Contracting Parties shall cooperate in the preservation of their cultural heritage and in making th two peoples mutually acquainted with that heritage.

(2) The Contracting Parties shall endeavor to protect historical and cultural monuments, memorial sites,

written and material relics located in their respective territories related to the history and culture of the other Contracting Party and will support their preservation and will facilitate, in accordance with their domestic legislation, access to them

Article 14

The Contracting Parties shall promote the climate of tolerance and understanding among their citizens of different ethnic, religious, cultural and linguistic origin. They condemn xenophobia and all kind of manifestations based on racial, ethnic or religious hatred, discrimination and prejudice and will take effective measures in order to prevent any such manifestation.

Article 15

(1)

a) In regulating the rights and duties of persons belonging to national minorities living on their territories, the Contracting Parties undertake to apply the Framework Convention of the Council of Europe for the protection of national minorities, if more favorable provisions concerning the rights of persons belonging to national minorities do not exist in their domestic legislation.

b) Without prejudice to the contents of the preceding paragraph, the Contracting Parties shall, with the aim of protecting and developing the ethnic, cultural, linguistic and religious identity of the Hungarian minority in Romania and the Romanian minority in Hungary, apply as legal obligations the provisions defining the rights of persons belonging to such minorities as contained in the documents of the United Nations, the Organization on Security and Cooperation in Europe and the Council of Europe, listed in the Annex of this Treaty.

(2) The Contracting Parties shall reconfirm accordingly, that the persons referred to in the preceding paragraph shall have, individually or in community with other members of their group, the right to freely express, preserve, and develop their ethnic, cultural, linguistic and religious identity. Accordingly, they shall have the right to establish and maintain their own educational, cultural and religious institutions, organizations and associations which are entitled to seek voluntary financial and other contributions, as well as public support in accordance with the domestic legislation.

(3) The Contracting Parties shall respect the right of persons belonging to the Hungarian minority in Romania and the Romanian minority in Hungary to use freely both orally and in writing their mother tongue in private and in public. They shall take the necessary measures to ensure that such persons can learn their mother tongue and have adequate opportunities for being educated and trained in this language at all levels and forms within the framework of the State education system, according to their needs. The Contracting Parties shall ensure the conditions allowing the use also of the mother tongue of these persons in their relations with local administrative and judicial authorities, in accordance with the domestic legislation and the international obligations the Contracting Parties have subscribed to. These persons shall have the right to use their surnames and first names in their mother tongue and to have them officially recognized. In areas where persons belonging to the minority concerned live in a substantial number, both Parties shall allow the display, also in the language of the minorities, the traditional local denominations, street names and other topographical indications intended for the public.

(4) The Contracting Parties shall respect the right of persons belonging to national minorities to have access, in their mother tongue, to information and to the electronic and printed media, as well as to freely exchange and disseminate information. The Contracting Parties shall, within the framework of their domestic legislation, grant the possibility to establish and operate their own media.

(5) The Contracting Parties shall ensure the right of persons belonging to the minorities to effectively participate, individually or through their parties or organizations, in the political, economic, social and cultural life and, through their representatives elected to central and local public authorities and administrations, in the settlement of issues representing national or local interests. Both Contracting Parties shall, in the process of decision-making concerning questions related to the protection and enforcement of the national identity of these persons, consult the organization, political parties or associations of these persons according to democratic decision-making procedures as provided by the law.

(6) The Contracting Parties shall respect the cultural and historical heritage of national minorities and shall support their efforts to preserve the architectural monuments and memorial sites related to minority culture and history, and will take appropriate measures to allow citizens living in regions of mixed population to become acquainted with Hungarian and Romanian cultural values.

(7) The Contracting Parties shall respect the rights of persons belonging to national minorities to maintain free contacts among themselves and across frontiers with citizens of other States, as well as to participate in the activities of national and international non-governmental organizations.

(8) The Contracting Parties agree that, in the exercise of the rights referred to in this article, persons belonging to national minorities, similarly to any other citizen of the state concerned, shall respect the national legislation and the rights of others. These persons shall enjoy the same rights and have the same duties of citizenship as other citizens of the State in which they live.

(9) Without prejudice to measures taken in pursuance of their general integration policy, the Contracting Parties shall refrain from policies or practices aimed at the assimilation of persons belonging to national minorities against their will and shall protect these persons from any action aiming at such assimilation. They shall further refrain from measures which by altering the proportions of the population in areas inhabited by persons belonging to national minorities are aimed at restricting the rights and freedoms flowing from the international standards and norms listed in paragraph 1 of this article.

(10) The Contracting Parties shall assist each other in observing the implementation of the present article. For this purpose they will also examine, in the framework of the regular consultations referred to in Article 5 of this Treaty, those questions of their bilateral cooperation related to national minorities concerning the implementation of this Treaty and shall establish an intergovernmental expert commission. They will cooperate in the appropriate operation of the mechanisms of the Organization on Security and Cooperation in Europe and the Council of Europe verifying compliance with obligations contained in the documents of these organizations and to which the Parties have entered into.

(11) The Contracting Parties shall cooperate in further developing the international legal framework for the protection of national minorities. They agree that they will apply as part of this Treaty the provisions relating to further developing the rights of persons belonging to national minorities contained in those international documents to which they will subscribe in the future.

(12) Neither of the obligations contained in the present article shall be interpreted as implying any right to engage in any activity to perform any act contrary to the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, other obligations of international law or the Helsinki Final Act and the Paris Charter of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, including the principle of the territorial integrity of states.

Article 16

The Contracting Parties shall develop their cooperation in the field of mass media. They shall facilitate free flow of information relating to the social, political, economic, cultural and scientific life of their countries and shall support all efforts aimed at becoming mutually and objectively acquainted, understanding each other and overcoming prejudices.

Article 17

(1) The Contracting Parties shall develop and support cooperation in the fields of health care and research in the medical sciences.

(2) The Contracting Parties shall furthermore urge cooperation, in the interest of citizens of each other sojourning in the territory of the other Contracting Party, in the field of social security and social protection, and they will examine the possibility to conclude agreements to this effect.

Article 18

The Contracting Parties shall support the broadening of direct contacts between political organizations, trade unions, churches and religious communities, foundations, organization of women, youth, sport and associations of other type.

Article 19

(1) The Contracting Parties shall support and facilitate direct contact between their citizens.

(2) The Contracting Parties shall extend their consular relations and will simplify border crossing and custom control, including the opening of new border crossing points and the enlargement of the existing ones to the extent of their possibilities, in order to facilitate the traffic of persons and goods. They will conclude appropriate agreements for this purpose.

 

Article 20

(1) The Contracting Parties shall, in accordance with the treaties in force, grant each other mutual legal assistance in civil, family and criminal law matters and they will develop, under separate agreement, the cooperation between their police bodies.

(2) The Contracting Parties shall cooperate in preventing and combating organized crime, with special emphasis on terrorism, illicit traffic in drugs, unlawful seizure of aircraft, smuggling and illegal traffic of cultural, historical objects and valuables and of museum pieces. They express readiness to cooperate in this field also within an international framework.

Article 21

(1) The Contracting Parties will settle all their disputes concerning the interpretation or implementation of this Treaty through direct consultations and negotiations. After that point when both Contracting Parties have become Party to an international multilateral treaty on peaceful settlement of disputes, those disputes referred to in this article that could not be settled through direct consultations and negotiations within a reasonable time, will be settled according to procedures prescribed in the above mentioned international multilateral treaty, provided that the obligations to be assumed under that treaty would encompass disputes of this kind.

(2) The Contracting Parties shall endeavor, whenever necessary, to insert in their bilateral provisions under which they may submit their disputes concerning the interpretation or implementation of such treaties to available mechanisms of settlement of disputes.

Article 22

The present Treaty is not aimed against any third state and shall not prejudice the rights and obligations of either Contracting Party flowing from its bilateral or multilateral treaties concluded with other states.

Article 23

The present Treaty is concluded for a period of ten years. Its validity shall be automatically extended, for further five year periods, unless one of the Contracting Parties, at least one year before the given validity period expires, notifies the other Contracting Party in writing of its intention to renunciate.

Article 24

This Treaty shall be ratified in accordance with the constitutional requirements of both Contracting Parties and shall enter into force on the date of exchange of the instruments of ratification. The Contracting Parties take note that the "Treaty on Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance between the Hungarian People's Republic and the Socialist Republic of Romania", signed in Bucharest, February 24, 1972, is no longer in force.

Article 25

This Treaty shall be registered with the Secretariat of the United Nations, in accordance with Article 102 of the Charter. Done at Timisoara, this 16th day of September, 1996 in two original copies, both in the Hungarian and Romanian languages, both texts being equally authentic.

Annex

List of documents referred to in Article 15, paragraph (1) b),

of the Treaty on Understanding, Cooperation and Good Neighborhood

between the Republic of Hungary and Romania

 

 

1. Document of June 29, 1990 of the Copenhagen Meeting of the Conference on the Human Dimension of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe;

2. Declaration of December 18, 1992, of the General Assembly of the United Nations on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities (Resolution 47/135);

 

3. Recommendation 1201 (1993) of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe on an additional

protocol on the rights of national minorities to the European Convention on Human Rights.*

 

ANNEX 2

  •  

THE INSTRUMENT OF CENTRAL EUROPEAN INITIATIVE ON THE PROTECTION OF THE RIGHTS OF NATIONAL MINORITIES AND THE TREATY BETWEEN ROMANIA AND HUNGARY (1996)

 

  • the definition of the concept of national minority as an integral part of the society guaranteeing the appropriate conditions for the promotion of their identity (art.1, 2)ŕ art.14,
  • the respect of the rights of minority people as well as individuals and associated without any discrimination related to the majority of population (art.3)ŕ art.15,
  • the right to express, preserve and develop the ethnic, cultural, linguistic or religious identity of minorities (art.4)ŕ art.15,
  • the adoption of special measures for minorities, not regarded as a discrimination in relation with majority (art.5),
  • the protection against any acts that constitute incitement to violence against persons or groups based on national, racial, ethnic or religious discrimination, hostility or hatred, including anti-Semitism (art.6) ŕ art. 14 ,
  • states shall refrain from pursuing or encouraging policies aimed at the assimilation of persons belonging to national minorities against their will and shall protect these persons against any action aimed at such assimilation (art.8)ŕ art.15,
  • the right to use the minority language, both in private and public sphere (art.10)ŕ art. 15,
  • the right to use the minority language in relation to the public institutions, where the minority citizens represent a proportion of the total population (art.12),
  • the use of maternal language in religious school and practices (art. 14),
  • recognition by the states of the right of persons belonging to national minorities to establish and maintain their own cultural and religious institutions, organizations or associations, which are entitled to seek voluntary financial and other contributions as well as public assistance, in conformity with national legislation (art.16)ŕ art.15,
  • recognition of the schools and other private educational establishments of the citizens belonging to national minorities (art.17),
  • every person belonging to a national minority shall have the right to learn his or her own language and receive an education in his or her own language. The States shall endeavor to ensure the appropriate types and levels of public education in conformity with national legislation (art.18)ŕ art.15,
  • the right of persons belonging to a national minority to avail themselves of the media in their own language, in conformity with relevant State regulations and with possible financial assistance (art.19)ŕ art.15,
  • the right of the persons belonging to national minorities to participate to the political, economical, social and cultural life of the country in which they live (art.20)ŕ art.15,
  • the right of the persons belonging to national minorities to establish political parties (art.21)ŕ art.15,
  • the respect of the right of persons belonging to national minorities to effective participation in public affairs, in particular in the decision-making process on matters affecting them. Therefore, States note the efforts undertaken to protect and create conditions for the promotion of the ethnic, cultural, linguistic and religious identity of certain national minorities by adopting appropriate measures corresponding to the specific circumstances of such minorities as foreseen in the CSCE documents (art.22)ŕ art.15;
  • Every person belonging to a national minority, while duly respecting the territorial integrity of the State, shall have the right to have free and unimpeded contacts with the citizens of another country with whom this minority shares ethnic, religious or linguistic features or a cultural identity (art.23)ŕ art.15;
  • Every person belonging to a national minority shall have an effective remedy before a national judicial authority against any violation of rights set forth in the present Instrument, provided that those rights are enacted in national legislation (art.24),
  • In any area where those who belong to a national minority represent the majority of the population, states shall take the necessary measures to ensure that those who do not belong to this minority shall not suffer from any disadvantage, including such that may result from the implementation of the measures of protection foreseen by the present Instrument (art.25),
  • None of these commitments shall be interpreted as implying any right to engage in any activity in contravention of the fundamental principles of international law and, in particular, of the sovereign equality, territorial integrity and political independence of the state (art.26),
  • This Instrument shall not prejudice the provisions of domestic law or any international agreement, which provide greater protection for national minorities or persons belonging to them (art.27)

 

Note : First mention is the C.E.I. Instrument, the secondary one is the Romanian - Hungarian Treaty. Example : art. 1, 2 9 ( CEI Instrument ) -> art. 14 ( Romanian - Hungarian Treaty ).

    •  

ANNEX 2

  •  

THE INSTRUMENT OF CENTRAL EUROPEAN INITIATIVE ON THE PROTECTION OF THE RIGHTS OF NATIONAL MINORITIES AND THE TREATY BETWEEN ROMANIA AND HUNGARY (1996)

 

· the definition of the concept of national minority as an integral part of the society guaranteeing the appropriate conditions for the promotion of their identity (art.1, 2)ŕ art.14,

· the respect of the rights of minority people as well as individuals and associated without any discrimination related to the majority of population (art.3)ŕ art.15,

· the right to express, preserve and develop the ethnic, cultural, linguistic or religious identity of minorities (art.4)ŕ art.15,

· the adoption of special measures for minorities, not regarded as a discrimination in relation with majority (art.5),

· the protection against any acts that constitute incitement to violence against persons or groups based on national, racial, ethnic or religious discrimination, hostility or hatred, including anti-Semitism (art.6) ŕ art. 14 ,

· states shall refrain from pursuing or encouraging policies aimed at the assimilation of persons belonging to national minorities against their will and shall protect these persons against any action aimed at such assimilation (art.8)ŕ art.15,

· the right to use the minority language, both in private and public sphere (art.10)ŕ art. 15,

· the right to use the minority language in relation to the public institutions, where the minority citizens represent a proportion of the total population (art.12),

· the use of maternal language in religious school and practices (art. 14),

· recognition by the states of the right of persons belonging to national minorities to establish and maintain their own cultural and religious institutions, organizations or associations, which are entitled to seek voluntary financial and other contributions as well as public assistance, in conformity with national legislation (art.16)ŕ art.15,

· recognition of the schools and other private educational establishments of the citizens belonging to national minorities (art.17),

· every person belonging to a national minority shall have the right to learn his or her own language and receive an education in his or her own language. The States shall endeavor to ensure the appropriate types and levels of public education in conformity with national legislation (art.18)ŕ art.15,

· the right of persons belonging to a national minority to avail themselves of the media in their own language, in conformity with relevant State regulations and with possible financial assistance (art.19)ŕ art.15,

· the right of the persons belonging to national minorities to participate to the political, economical, social and cultural life of the country in which they live (art.20)ŕ art.15,

· the right of the persons belonging to national minorities to establish political parties (art.21)ŕ art.15,

· the respect of the right of persons belonging to national minorities to effective participation in public affairs, in particular in the decision-making process on matters affecting them. Therefore, States note the efforts undertaken to protect and create conditions for the promotion of the ethnic, cultural, linguistic and religious identity of certain national minorities by adopting appropriate measures corresponding to the specific circumstances of such minorities as foreseen in the CSCE documents (art.22)ŕ art.15;

· Every person belonging to a national minority, while duly respecting the territorial integrity of the State, shall have the right to have free and unimpeded contacts with the citizens of another country with whom this minority shares ethnic, religious or linguistic features or a cultural identity (art.23)ŕ art.15;

· Every person belonging to a national minority shall have an effective remedy before a national judicial authority against any violation of rights set forth in the present Instrument, provided that those rights are enacted in national legislation (art.24),

· In any area where those who belong to a national minority represent the majority of the population, states shall take the necessary measures to ensure that those who do not belong to this minority shall not suffer from any disadvantage, including such that may result from the implementation of the measures of protection foreseen by the present Instrument (art.25),

· None of these commitments shall be interpreted as implying any right to engage in any activity in contravention of the fundamental principles of international law and, in particular, of the sovereign equality, territorial integrity and political independence of the state (art.26),

· This Instrument shall not prejudice the provisions of domestic law or any international agreement, which provide greater protection for national minorities or persons belonging to them (art.27)

Note : First mention is the C.E.I. Instrument, the secondary one is the Romanian - Hungarian Treaty. Example : art. 1, 2 9 ( CEI Instrument ) -> art. 14 ( Romanian - Hungarian Treaty ).

 

 ANNEX 3

  •  

Attitude de la population par rapport aux droits collectifs (Cluj-Napoca)% :

Reponse

Ethnie

Q11.1

Q11.2

Q11.3

Q11.4

Q11.5

Q11.6

 

Tziganes

19.44

47.76

16.76

63.08

26.34

20.34

Oui

Hongrois

38.26

56.81

33.60

74.46

37.63

27.15

 

Allemands

37.81

56.99

33.69

76.52

39.07

26.08

 

Tziganes

76.34

45.97

77.78

33.96

68.28

73.84

Non

Hongrois

58.69

38.08

62.28

22.94

57.35

67.47

 

Allemands

57.97

37.46

61.74

19.98

55.91

67.56

 

Tziganes

3.85

5.47

4.84

2.24

4.93

5.11

Ne sais pas

Hongrois

2.51

4.21

3.32

1.79

4.48

4.57

 

Allemands

3.58

4.48

3.67

2.51

4.30

5.38

 

Tziganes

0.37

0.80

0.62

0.72

0.45

0.71

Pas de reponse

Hongrois

0.54

0.90

0.80

0.81

0.54

0.81

 

Allemands

0.64

1.07

0.90

0.99

0.72

0.98

Legende:

 

Q11.1 - Inscriptions publiques dans la langue ...

Q11.2 - Existence d’organisations politiques par des criteres ethniques de la minorite...

Q11.3 - Utilisation dans l’administration publique des langues ...

Q11.4 - Existence d’emissions sur les postes nationaux de TV dans la langue ...

Q11.5 - Enseignement public complet dans les langues...

Q11.6 - Autonomie par criteres ethniques de certaines regions habitees en majorite par des ...

 

 

ANNEX 4

  •  

THE POPULATION OF ROMANIA BY NATIONALITIES (1992)

 

 

AREA

 

TOTAL

 

ROMANIANS

%

 

HUNGARIANS

%

 

OTHER

%

 

ROMANIA

 

22,810,035

 

20,408,542 89.5

 

1,624,959 7.1

 

776,534 3.4

 

Bucharest

 

2,354,510

 

2,296,458 97.5

 

8,585 0.4

 

49,497 2.1

 

Transylvania

 

4,579,565

 

3,306,948 72.2

 

1,095,173 23.9

 

177,444 3.1

 

Banat

 

1,076,380

 

886,958 82.4

 

70,742 6.6

 

118,680 11.0

 

Crisana-Maramures

 

2,067,368

 

1,490,235 72.0

 

438,008 21.1

 

139,125 6.9

 

Moldova

 

4,786,202

 

4,713,800 98.4

 

6,471 0.1

 

65,931 1.5

 

Oltenia

 

2,457,515

 

2,414,836 98.2

 

1,911 0.1

 

40,768 1.7

 

Muntenia

 

4,468,729

 

4,372,698 97.8

 

2,524 0.1

 

93,507 2.1

 

Dobrudja

 

1,019,766

 

926,608 90.8

 

1,545 0.1

 

91,613 9.1

Source : Recensamantul populatiei si locuintelor din 7 Ianuarie 1992 (The 7th January 1992 Census of Population), vol. I, Bucuresti, 1994, pag. 708-709.

 

·  The population of Romania

The rural population of Romania

The urban population of Romania

by nationalities - 1992

by nationalities - 1992

by nationalities - 1992

Source : Recensamantul populatiei si locuintelor din 7 Ianuarie 1992 (The 7th January 1992 Census of Population), vol. I, Bucuresti, 1994, pag. 714-715, 716-717, 718-719.

 


 

Vasile Puscas, PhD, is teaching Internatinal Relations courses in the Department of Political Science and Public Administration at "Babes-Bolyai" University.

Vasile Dancu is Lecturer in the Sociology Department, "Babes-Bolyai" University.

Christian Chereji is Assistant professor in the Department of Political Science and Public Administration at "Babes-Bolyai" University.

Dan Sandor is Assistant professor in the Department of Political Science and Public Administration at "Babes-Bolyai" University.

 

Dacian Duna, Francisc Kiss, Dan Lazar, Alina Onita, Radu Moldovan are students at Department of Political Science and Public Administration at "Babes-Bolyai" University.